Johor voters have seen this movie before. DAP wins big, then confuses a mandate with ownership.

In 2022 they swept 10 seats in Johor on the back of anti Barisan Nasional (BN) sentiment.

Fast forward to 2025, and the script has flipped. After Sabah showed DAP losing every seat they contested, the same arrogance that cost them there is now on display in Johor.

The difference is simple: DAP brings perspective, Onn Hafiz brings performance.

DAP’s Perspective Problem And Failure Of Delivery

DAP in Johor still acts like it is 2018. The messaging is national, the tone is top down, and the ground work is missing.

Seats like Skudai were won with 27k majorities because voters wanted change, not because they signed up for permanent DAP rule.

Four years later, that same seat faces traffic congestion at Taman Universiti, flood mitigation delays in Kempas, and business licence bottlenecks that kill small traders.

The answer from DAP? More press statements, less site visits.

That is arrogance, assuming the 2022 majority is transferable without delivery. Sabah proved it is not.

When a party mistakes presence on social media for presence in the constituency, voters notice.

Constituency service centres that were promised to be open daily are staffed part time.

Resident complaints on drainage, street lighting and illegal dumping get redirected to the local council with no follow up.

Townhall sessions are rare, and when they happen they feel like ceramah, not problem solving.

That is the arrogance of incumbency: we won, so you will wait.

Dapsy’s Arrogance On Full Display

If DAP Johor is detached, Dapsy Johor is worse. Dapsy leaders in the state talk like they own the future of Johor, but their track record is thin.

Instead of fixing potholes or helping traders, Dapsy lecture voters on national ideology and party doctrine.

Dapsy leaders’ Social media posts attack political opponents, but rarely show ground programmes that solve local problems.

The arrogance is in the tone. Dapsy Johor speaks down to voters, dismisses criticism as “cybertrooper” or “political”, and assumes young voters will fall in line because of party brand.

Sabah should have been a warning. Young voters rejected Dapsy candidates there because they saw no work on the ground, only noise online.

Johor Dapsy is repeating the same mistake. Brand is not a substitute for boots on the ground. Arrogance is not a strategy.

How DAP Treated Marina Ibrahim In Skudai

The clearest example is Marina Ibrahim, incumbent ADUN for Skudai since 2018.

Marina won with a huge mandate and has been one of DAP’s most vocal Johor reps on local issues, pushing for accountability and service for residents and businesses.

Yet within DAP Johor she received cold treatment compared to other ADUNs.

Less allocation for constituency work, less platform at state events, and internal pressure to move out of Skudai.

In a letter dated 30 May 2026 to DAP Johor Chairman, Marina revealed she rejected an offer made by DAP Women Chief Teo Nie Ching during a discussion on 17 May 2026 with Andrew Chen Kah Eng, Johor DAP Secretary.

The offer was for Marina to contest Tiram instead of Skudai, with a GLC chairmanship promised if she failed to win.

Marina declined the offer and announced she was quitting politics.

The letter went viral after she shared it in the DAP Johor WhatsApp group.

NST reported on 31 May 2026 that Marina declined to confirm the letter’s authenticity publicly.

This exposes DAP’s hypocrisy. Before GE14, DAP attacked political appointments to GLCs.

After taking power, GLC posts were dangled as a consolation prize to shift a vocal local rep out of her base.

The message to every Johorean: serve the people loudly and DAP will offer you an exit package.

Loyalty to the party line matters more than service to constituents.

Onn Hafiz’s Performance Track And Delivery

Compare that to MB Johor Onn Hafiz. Whether you agree with every policy or not, the man is visible.

Onn shows up for roadworks, flood projects, and local business forums.

The Machap representative speaks Johor’s language: development, investment, jobs.

Under Onn’s watch, Johor has pushed the Johor Singapore Special Economic Zone (JS SEZ) with Singapore and expanded Iskandar Malaysia investments.

Approvals for factories and logistics hubs have been accelerated, with the state government cutting red tape so projects move from announcement to construction faster.

The JS SEZ is being positioned as a game changer for skilled jobs and cross border commerce.

That is ribbon cutting and site visits, not rhetoric.

On the ground, Onn’s administration has focused on delivery voters feel daily.

Flood mitigation projects in Tebrau, Skudai and Pasir Gudang have been fast tracked after years of delay, with drainage upgrades and pump stations prioritised before the monsoon season.

Road upgrades and junction improvements in Iskandar Puteri and Johor Bahru are aimed at cutting traffic congestion that has frustrated commuters for years.

Through “Jom Niaga Johor” and dedicated business facilitation units, SMEs are getting faster approval for licences and permits, something traders say was stuck under the previous administration.

At the same time, more technical and TVET training is being aligned to JS SEZ jobs so Johoreans get first access to employment, not just foreign workers.

Onn has also made “turun padang” his signature style, turning up unannounced at markets, schools and project sites to check progress himself.

Johor Voters See Onn, Not Just His Poster

There is also stronger coordination with Singapore on water, energy and customs to make JS SEZ functional, not just another announcement.

The message from Onn is consistent: fix what is broken, approve what creates jobs, and show up where people live.

It is not just Johor. BN led state governments in Pahang and Malacca run the same playbook: infrastructure delivery, clear timelines, less political drama.

In Pahang, the ECRL alignment through Bentong, Temerloh and Kuantan is framed as a logistics boost, with the state attracting warehousing near stations.

In Malacca, tourism recovery and port expansion in Tanjung Bruas are backed by direct engagement with SMEs and traders.

Even on bread and butter issues, BN states hammer delivery. Flood mitigation, road upgrades in semi urban areas, faster processing for small business licences.

Fix the roads, approve the projects, turn up for constituents. That’s BN’s style.

Voters may be frustrated with the federal government, but they can still see the difference between an ADUN who appears at ground events and one who tweets.

The Johor Choice

If DAP loses Skudai, it will not be BN magic. It will be DAP arrogance meeting Onn’s ground game.

DAP thought perspective and slogans were enough; BN put boots on the ground and delivered projects voters can see.

Dapsy’s arrogance, DAP’s failure to serve after winning big, and the Marina case that exposed GLC hypocrisy are the story here.

Johor’s upcoming polls will be a referendum on performance versus perspective.

Right now, only BN is scoring points where it matters, at the grassroots, with spades in the ground and projects on the table. – NMH

The writer is Vice-President of Parti Cinta Malaysia and a commentator on governance and public policy. The views expressed are his own.

Also read:

PRN Johor 2026: Ujian Pertama BN Tanpa Faktor Najib

DAP Silence Exposes the Truth: UMNO was Always the Bogeyman

PKR Tears Itself Apart While In Power: The Real ‘Reformasi’?

Johor Polls: Can BN Win Big Without The Najib Factor?

The post Johor Polls: Performance Versus Perspective first appeared on NMH.

Commentary And Analysis . . . It’s unlikely that anyone would go against the four Undang in Negeri Sembilan on the 5 June Meet. If true, 5 June Meet would resolve the Civilisational Crisis but only if Post-5 June Steps are taken as well, after the four Undang declare in the form of Final Say. This would be covered in Part 2 (Post-5 June Steps).

The key legal safeguard Post-5 June Meet would be ensuring the minutes and resolution are recorded, so any future challenge can test compliance with Article 12 procedure.

Transparency becomes the bridge between Adat authority and constitutional accountability ex facie (on the face of it).

Negeri Sembilan

If the Four Undang resolve the matter on 5 June 2026 in accordance with Article 12 + adat, the act has strong constitutional legitimacy prima facie (on the face of it) in Negeri Sembilan.

The crisis is resolved through internal mechanisms contemplated by the state constitution.

The would likely treat this as political question settled by the designated constitutional actors, absent proven breach of Federal Constitution Article 4(1).

This scenario illustrates raison d’être (reason for being) for the Four Undang institution: to act as constitutional stabiliser during succession disputes.

Civilisational Crisis

The resolution demonstrates how Adat mechanisms can achieve what litigation cannot — rapid restoration of status quo ante (state existing before) without court intervention on Civilisational Crisis.

For public law, it reinforces that Article 71 + 8th Schedule was satisfied not only by judicial orders, but by functioning state institutions.

The Federal Constitution sets the floor; Adat provides the path.

The following matters arise in the Final Say:

Raja Norazli bin Nordin replaced as Secretary of Dewan Keadilan dan Undang.

Datuk Mubarak Thahak, suspended as Undang Sungei Ujong, comes back.

His replacements Muhammad Faris Johari and Abdul Rahman Limat, nominated by rival factions, make way.

The Yang Di Pertuan Besar (YDPB), Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir, steps down.

Tunku Nadzaruddin Tuanku Ja’afar takes over as the YDPB.

Menteri Besar Aminuddin Harun resigns.

Negeri Sembilan Way Forward

Again, the 5 June 2026 Meet convened by the Four Undang would probably resolve the Civilisational Crisis in Negeri Sembilan.

The resolution reached by the Four Undang through Adat consultation on 5 June 2026 can restore constitutional continuity ab initio (from the beginning), thereby rendering prior disputes res judicata (the matter rests) and moot (no live issue).

The resolution arises from Adat, Law and the Constitution being on the same page, speaking with one voice, and the Federal government staying out on the Civilisational Crisis.

Civilisational Crisis Framework

Federal Constitution Article 71 + 8th Schedule obliges each state to maintain a constitutional Ruler and institutions sine die (without a day).

The Negeri Sembilan Constitution Article 12 governs installation and removal of the YDPB by the Four Undang in accordance with Undang-undang Tubuh and Adat Perpatih.

The Federal Constitution is supreme under Article 4(1).

The court recognised in Sivarasa Rasiah v Badan Peguam Malaysia that state constitutions and Adat form part of the constitutional structure, provided they do not contravene the Federal Constitution.

Issues arise.

5 June Meet producing lawful transfer of sovereignty and executive authority, ending the lacuna (gap) in governance.

Three Principles Apply

Continuity:

Article 71 + 8th Schedule demands no prolonged abeyance of the Ruler’s office.

Adat as source:

Article 12 NS Constitution recognises Four Undang as electors/installers of YDPB according to Adat. Their collective decision is ratio decidendi (reason for decision) for succession.

Judicial deference:

Malaysian courts traditionally show restraint in internal Adat matters unless there’s clear ultra vires (beyond powers) breach of Federal Constitution. See Chng Suan Tze on causa proxima (proximate cause) review, but also non-justiciability of pure Adat process.

Application:

Restoration of Undang:

If the suspended Undang was reinstated by the Four Undang, the prior removal was cured fait accompli (accomplished fate).

The replacements moving out of the way removes competing claimants. This restores the quorum of electors required under Article 12.

YDPB Transition:

A voluntary step-down by the incumbent YDPB followed by installation of a new YDPB by the Four Undang fulfills Article 12(1). The act becomes res gestae (thing done) of constitutional significance.

MB Resignation:

The Menteri Besar holds office during the pleasure of the Ruler under state constitutional convention. Resignation upon change of YDPB is pari passu (on equal footing) with constitutional practice. No audi alteram partem (hear the other side) issue arises as resignation was voluntary.

Effect on litigation:

Any pending judicial review premised on stopping the 5 June Meet loses locus standi (legal standing) because there’s no live controversy. The doctrine of mootness (no live issue) applies ex debito justitiae (as matter of justice). The June 5 Meet becomes the cure, not the cause.

In Part 2, we will look at Post-5 June Steps, which can be taken as well, after the four Undang declare in the form of Final Say. — NMH

Related Internal Link . . .

The post Negeri Sembilan, Based On Post-5 June Steps, Resolves Civilisational Crisis first appeared on NMH.

JOHOR BAHRU – Spekulasi yang berlegar sejak beberapa minggu lalu akhirnya terjawab apabila Dewan Undangan Negeri (DUN) Johor secara rasmi dibubarkan hari ini, membuka laluan kepada Pilihan Raya Negeri (PRN) Johor ke-16.

Pembubaran tersebut tidak mengejutkan ramai pemerhati politik memandangkan pelbagai petanda telah muncul sejak kebelakangan ini, termasuk pemanggilan sidang khas DUN Johor selama sehari yang mencetuskan pelbagai persoalan mengenai hala tuju politik negeri berkenaan.

PRN Johor 2022

Dalam PRN Johor 2022, Barisan Nasional (BN) mencatat kemenangan besar apabila menguasai 40 daripada 56 kerusi DUN, sekali gus membentuk kerajaan negeri dengan majoriti dua pertiga yang selesa. Pakatan Harapan (PH) memenangi 12 kerusi, manakala Perikatan Nasional (PN) memperoleh tiga kerusi dan Muda satu kerusi.

Atas kertas, BN masih dilihat sebagai pilihan utama untuk mempertahankan Johor kali ini. Jentera parti di negeri itu kekal kukuh, manakala Menteri Besar Datuk Onn Hafiz Ghazi turut menikmati tahap populariti yang sangat baik dalam kalangan pengundi.

Namun persoalan yang lebih besar ialah sama ada BN mampu mengulangi kemenangan luar biasa seperti pada tahun 2022.

Ini kerana landskap politik hari ini tidak lagi sama seperti empat tahun lalu.

Kelibat Mantan Perdana Menteri Menarik Perhatian

Ketika PRN Johor 2022 berlangsung, bekas Perdana Menteri Datuk Seri Najib Razak memainkan peranan yang cukup signifikan dalam kempen BN. Kehadiran beliau ketika itu berjaya menarik perhatian rakyat dan mencetuskan gelombang sokongan tersendiri yang akhirnya menyumbang kepada kemenangan besar gabungan tersebut.

Kini keadaan berbeza apabila Najib masih menjalani hukuman penjara, sekali gus menimbulkan persoalan sama ada BN mampu menghasilkan impak kempen yang sama tanpa figura yang pernah dianggap antara aset politik terbesarnya.

Lebih menarik, pembubaran DUN Johor hari ini berlaku serentak dengan sambutan Hari Keputeraan Rasmi Yang di-Pertuan Agong Sultan Ibrahim, yang juga berasal dari Johor.

Kebetulan itu turut mengundang pelbagai spekulasi dalam kalangan penyokong Najib yang sebelum ini berharap akan ada perkembangan berkaitan pengampunan diraja terhadap bekas Presiden UMNO tersebut sempena hari istimewa berkenaan. Namun setakat ini, masih belum ada sebarang pengumuman rasmi mengenainya.

Pada masa yang sama, PH juga dilihat berdepan cabaran tersendiri untuk kembali menjadi pencabar utama BN di Johor.

PH Tidak Sekuat Dahulu

Berbanding beberapa tahun lalu, momentum politik PH dilihat tidak lagi sekuat dahulu, manakala isu-isu nasional dan persepsi terhadap kerajaan perpaduan turut dijangka mempengaruhi sentimen pengundi.

Turut menjadi perhatian ialah sama ada BN akan benar-benar bertanding secara solo di Johor seperti yang pernah dibayangkan beberapa pemimpin UMNO sebelum ini. Cadangan tersebut menerima reaksi kurang senang daripada DAPSY yang melihatnya sebagai isyarat bahawa kerjasama dalam Kerajaan Perpaduan tidak semestinya akan diterjemahkan ke medan pilihan raya. Sekiranya BN memilih untuk bergerak bersendirian, PRN Johor bakal menjadi referendum kecil terhadap kekuatan sebenar parti itu selepas membentuk kerajaan bersama PH di peringkat Persekutuan, selain memberi gambaran awal mengenai kemungkinan penjajaran politik menjelang PRU16.

Bagaimana PAS?

PN pula dijangka mengambil pendekatan yang lebih berhati-hati. Terdapat cakap-cakap politik bahawa PAS mungkin tidak akan bertanding di Johor kali ini, dengan fokus lebih terarah kepada usaha membina ruang kerjasama yang lebih luas bersama UMNO menjelang Pilihan Raya Umum ke-16 (PRU16).

Sekiranya perkembangan tersebut menjadi kenyataan, ia bakal menjadi antara faktor paling menarik untuk diperhatikan sepanjang kempen PRN Johor nanti.

Apa pun, pembubaran DUN Johor menandakan bermulanya satu lagi ujian penting buat parti-parti politik utama negara.

BN mungkin masih berada di kedudukan paling selesa untuk mengekalkan kuasa di negeri itu, tetapi persoalan sama ada ia mampu meraih kemenangan besar seperti 2022 tanpa faktor Najib masih kekal menjadi tanda tanya terbesar menjelang hari pengundian. – NMH

The post PRN Johor 2026: Ujian Pertama BN Tanpa Faktor Najib first appeared on NMH.

Democratic Action Party (DAP) spent years telling non-Malay voters UMNO was racist, from Mahathir’s era to Anwar’s time as Deputy Prime Minister.

Then DAP joined hands with Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad in 2018. Now with Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim at the helm, the party is silent on the very accusations it levelled at UMNO.

Non-Malays should realise Umno was portrayed as the villain, and ask who the real beneficiaries of race politics have been.

How DAP Built The “UMNO Is Racist” Narrative

From the 1980s right through to 2018, DAP’s core campaign message to non-Malay voters was simple.

Umno was racist. Umno practised ketuanan Melayu. Umno entrenched Bumiputera quotas, NEP (New Economic Policy) targets, and Malay-first policies that excluded non-Malays from opportunity.

That accusation was aimed squarely at the Mahathir-Anwar government of 1993 to 1998.

DAP argued that UMNO’s racial policies were the reason non-Malays faced university quotas, limited government contracts, and unequal access to business licences.

The message worked. DAP won overwhelming support from Chinese and Indian voters by presenting Umno as the bogeyman blocking equality.

Every general election, DAP told non-Malays that removing Umno was the only way to dismantle race-based politics.

DAP’s Tone Changed When It Joined Mahathir

Then came 2018. the party entered government as part of Pakatan Harapan (PH) with Mahathir as Prime Minister.

The same Mahathir who, with Anwar as his Deputy and Finance Minister from 1993 to 1998, enforced the peak of NEP quotas, privatisation guidelines, and GLC expansion.

The same Mahathir whose administration DAP had spent 20 years attacking as the source of Malay dominance.

DAP’s tone shifted overnight. The attacks on Mahathir’s racial policies stopped.

Party leaders like Lim Kit Siang who once called the NEP unjust now defended “continuity” and “political stability”.

The party that built its brand on dismantling UMNO’s race policies was now sharing power with the man who designed them.

Non-Malay voters were told to accept it as “the bigger picture”.

Silence Now With Anwar In Charge

Fast forward to 2022. DAP is back in government, this time with Anwar as Prime Minister.

The same Anwar who, as Finance Minister from 1993 to 1997, tabled budgets that maintained the 30% Bumiputera equity target, public university quotas, 7% housing discounts, and Approved Permit allocations.

Budget 1997 allocated RM2.1 billion to MARA and RM1.8 billion to FELDA.

The Universities and University Colleges Act was amended in 1996 under his watch to tighten ministerial control.

These are the very policies DAP condemned for years as racist and discriminatory.

Yet since 2022, DAP has been silent. Budget 2023 and Budget 2024 continued Bumiputera equity guidelines for IPOs.

MARA funding and housing discounts remain. Public university quotas are untouched.

The Securities Commission still enforces the 30% Bumiputera equity rule.

No legislation has been tabled to dismantle a single structural pillar. No parliamentary debate has been pushed by DAP to repeal quotas.

The party that built its political capital by calling Umno racist now governs without changing what it called unjust.

That silence tells non-Malay voters everything they need to know.

Umno As The Bogeyman, But Not The Only Actor

This is where non-Malays must be honest with themselves.

UMNO was portrayed as the sole villain for decades because it was politically convenient.

UMNO, founded in 1946, did defend Malay interests and did drive race-based policy after 1969. That is fact, and it can be debated.

But DAP’s own actions show UMNO was not the only architect.

The peak enforcement period was Mahathir-Anwar, 1993 to 1998.

Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, better known as Pak Lah, from 2003 to 2009 introduced PPSMI (Pengajaran dan Pembelajaran Sains dan Matematik dalam Bahasa Inggeris, or Teaching and Learning of Science and Mathematics in English) and expanded private colleges, giving non-Malay students more options.

Datuk Seri Najib Razak from 2009 to 2018 introduced BR1M cash aid that was race-neutral, increased funding for SJKC and SJKT to RM100 million in Budget 2013, and liberalised 27 services sectors by removing Bumiputera equity rules.

Pak Lah and Najib both expanded Islamic institutions, and JAKIM’s budget grew under Najib from about RM800 million to over RM1 billion. So the Islam agenda continued under Umno.

But economically, UMNO under Pak Lah and Najib also introduced race-neutral programmes that DAP’s partners have not matched.

So Who Is The Real Villain In UMNO?

If we are talking about villains within UMNO, then we must look at leadership, not the party as a whole.

The NEP was designed under Tun Razak in 1971. It was expanded most aggressively under Mahathir from 1981 to 2003.

Anwar, as his Deputy and Finance Minister, administered it.

Those are the names tied to the peak of race-based enforcement.

But UMNO today is not led by Mahathir or Anwar.

The current UMNO leadership under Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi has repeatedly stated support for reviewing race-based policies and moving toward needs-based assistance.

UMNO in the unity government is now the one being pressured by DAP to maintain quotas, while DAP itself says nothing.

The bogeyman narrative falls apart when the party accused of racism is more open to reform than the party that built its brand attacking it.

Consistency Over Slogans

DAP told non-Malays for years that Umno was the obstacle to equality.

Then it joined Mahathir and stayed silent.

Now the party sits with Anwar and stays silent again.

The policies DAP called racist are still in place, but the blame is no longer on Umno.

Non-Malay voters should realise this. UMNO was made the bogeyman because it was politically useful.

The real architects of the system were Mahathir and Anwar.

The real silence today comes from DAP.

If reform is DAP’s goal, then the demand must be placed on the leaders who designed the system and the party that now governs with them.

Malaysians deserve leaders who apply the same standard to everyone.

Not a DAP that changes its principles depending on who holds power.

Only then can we move beyond the bogeyman politics of the past. – NMH

The writer is Vice-President of Parti Cinta Malaysia and a commentator on governance and public policy. The views expressed are his own.

The post DAP Silence Exposes the Truth: UMNO was Always the Bogeyman first appeared on NMH.

Commentary And Analysis . . . In Part 1 on Defects, and the Way Forward, we saw analysis on the purported removal of the Negeri Sembilan Yang di-Pertuan Besar (YDPB), the standing of the Undang Luak, and the jurisdictional conflict between Adat, Law and executive power.

Judicial Review arises when government enters the picture.

Negeri Sembilan Way Forward

The Way Forward in Negeri Sembilan lies, among others, on the status of Mubarak Thahak under Adat.

Umno Deputy President Tok Mat differs.

Adat And Law

We will know more if the meeting, scheduled for Friday 29 May 2026, was called on future date.

There’s breaking news on the meeting.

Originating Summons (OS) or judicial review can help seek declaration on whether the 17 April 2026 removal of Datuk Mubarak Thahak complied with Article 16 and Clause 14(3) of the State Constitution and Adat. OS, for those unfamiliar, involves facts not in dispute. If there are facts in dispute, the court can, may and will substitute OS with Writ of Summons and Statement of Claim.

This determination was threshold issue.

If the removal was invalid, all four Undang had standing but the Article 10(1) process remains defective. If valid, the 19 April declaration fails on composition alone.

Negeri Sembilan Judicial Review

Judicial Review can help quash the declaration of 19 April 2026 on the grounds of jurisdictional error, breach of natural justice, and non-compliance with Article 10(1) and Adat. The court can provide declaratory relief which allows Tuanku Muhriz as YDPB under Article 7(2).

The court, in preserving the the status quo, can provide interim relief for restraining any person from acting as YDPB or from exercising the functions of that office pending determination.

This avoids irreversible acts that would complicate remedy.

If the parties wish, they can resolve the matter within customary structures viz. Adat. They can initiate fresh enquiry under Article 10(1) conducted by the validly appointed Undang only.

The enquiry must be conducted in accordance with audi alteram partem (hear the other side) and produce written reasons. This preserves the role of Adat while satisfying constitutional requirements.

All parties must avoid actions that invite federal intervention under Article 153.

Any challenge via federal involvement should be framed as a question of state autonomy under Article 71(4), and be raised in the same judicial review proceedings if necessary.

If Mubarak’s removal was upheld, the shortest route for lawful resolution was fresh sitting of the three remaining Undang, or the appointment of a replacement Undang followed by a four-person sitting.

Any attempt on proceeding with the 19 April declaration will likely be struck down for jurisdictional error.

If the removal of Mubarak was set aside, the parties return as four Undang, but must still comply with Article 10(1) procedurally.

The current declaration cannot be salvaged by ratification, as quod ab initio vitiosum est non potest tractu temporis convalescere (that which was defective from the beginning cannot be made valid by lapse of time).

The Way Forward must conform with the written Constitution, observe natural justice, and respect the division of powers between adat, statute, and the courts. Until that occurs, Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir continues as YDPB under Article 7(2) of the State Constitution.

Issues in Conflict follow:

Validity of the 19 April 2026 declaration under Article 10(1).

Lawfulness of Mubarak Thahak’s removal and alleged backdating.

Capacity of three Undang for acting without the fourth.

Jurisdiction of the Dewan Keadilan dan Undang over Undang Luak.

Scope of civil court jurisdiction under Article 121(1A).

Limits of federal intervention under Article 71(4); and

Legal status of Tunku Nadzaruddin Tuanku Ja’afar’s appointment.

Chronology of Facts follow.

17 April 2026: The Dewan Keadilan dan Undang (Council of Justice and Law) resolved on removing Datuk Mubarak Thahak as Undang of Sungai Ujong for 33 alleged breaches of adat. The resolution purportedly takes effect on 13 May 2025.

19 April 2026: The four Undang Luak, including Mubarak Thahak, announced the removal of Tuanku Muhriz and the appointment of Tunku Nadzaruddin Tuanku Ja’afar. No reasons or enquiry were disclosed.

The declaration of 19 April 2026 purportedly removing Tuanku Muhriz as YDPB remains void ab initio (void from the beginning) for want of jurisdiction ratione personae (by reason of the person) and breach of natural justice [naturalis iustitia].

20 April 2026: Menteri Besar Aminuddin Harun declared the announcement invalid, citing Mubarak’s removal.

22 April 2026: The state legislative assembly proceeded with Tuanku Muhriz officiating. The Undang were absent.

23 May 2026: A letter was circulated for a special sitting on 29 May 2026 in Tampin, inviting the Attorney-General and Chief Secretary as witnesses.

Jurisdictional Defect

Article 10(1) vests the power for removing the YDPB in the Undang Yang Empat (Four Ruling Chiefs).

The principle of nemo dat quod non habet (no one gives what he does not have) applies.

A person removed from office cannot exercise the powers of that office.

If Mubarak’s removal was valid on 17 April 2026, his participation on 19 April 2026 was nullity.

The act was then performed by three persons, which does not satisfy the constitutional requirement of four. The declaration was therefore ultra vires (beyond powers) and void.

Breach Of Natural Justice

Even assuming proper composition, the process failed on observing audi alteram partem (hear the other side).

The ruler was not given notice of the allegations, particulars of misconduct, nor an opportunity for responding.

The absence of reasons violates the requirement of a reasoned decision under administrative law and constitutional custom.

Such breach renders the decision susceptible. It can be set aside.

Any lawful resolution requires fresh process under Article 10(1) of the Undang-Undang Tubuh Kerajaan Negeri Sembilan 1959 involving only the validly appointed Undang Luak, and observance of audi alteram partem (hear the other side).

Justiciability And Jurisdiction

Article 121(1A) of the Federal Constitution excludes civil court jurisdiction over matters of Islamic law and Malay custom.

However, where the issue was compliance with the written State Constitution, the High Court retains supervisory jurisdiction through judicial review.

The question was on constitutional interpretation, not adat per se. Authority exists for this distinction in Potong v Public Prosecutor 4 MLJ 502.

Executive And Federalism

The Menteri Besar’s refusal on recognising the declaration was political. It does not determine legal validity.

Any attempt by federal actors for directing the state legislative assembly’s confidence motion must be examined against Article 71(4) of the Federal Constitution, which protects state constitutional autonomy. If there’s no public order basis, under Article 153, such intervention risks being ultra vires.

Successor Appointment

The appointment of Tunku Nadzaruddin was contingent on a lawful vacancy. Since no lawful vacancy exists, the appointment was also void. The principle ex nihilo nihil fit (from nothing comes nothing) applies. — NMH

The post Negeri Sembilan: Way Forward Lies In Compliance On Adat And Law first appeared on NMH.

The Department of Statistics says Malaysia’s unemployment rate held steady at 2.9% in March 2026 for the fourth consecutive month.

Yet in Selangor and Kuala Lumpur, the situation tells a different story.

A large share of retrenchments in the first quarter of this year happened right here in the Klang Valley.

For the families behind those figures, stability on paper does not translate into security at home.

Unemployment – The Gap Between Policy and Reality

Consider a 40-year-old father recently retrenched from a manufacturing plant in Shah Alam.

He has a wife at home, two children in school, and a mortgage to service.

Telling him to enrol in a training course sounds sensible in principle but in practice, attending full-time classes is not an option when rent is due and savings are thin.

He needs income now, not in several months’ time.

On the other side, employers in manufacturing and tech are restructuring to stay competitive against automation and global supply chain shifts.

Many are reluctant to rehire older workers because of higher wage expectations, retraining costs, and uncertainty over business orders.

Why The Headline Figures Mislead

The national picture hides what is happening at regional level.

According to data released by the Ministry of Human Resources, Malaysia recorded 5,900 cases of job losses in March 2026, a 21.3% decrease compared to February.

The situation worsened in April, with 7,057 job losses — a 21% increase month-on-month.

But the ministry also said it is “paying close attention to the concentration of job losses in the Klang Valley, particularly Selangor and Kuala Lumpur.

PERKESO data analysed by Hong Leong Investment Bank and reported by SAYS in April 2026 showed that Selangor accounted for 29.3% of total layoffs in March, while Kuala Lumpur made up 25.6%.

That means the Klang Valley contributed more than half of all retrenchments nationwide for that month.

Even with about 107,000 job vacancies recorded in March, the mismatch is clear.

Many roles require different skills, unsociable hours, or a pay cut that families simply cannot absorb.

The vulnerability is compounded by low household buffers.

In an analysis posted on LinkedIn in April 2026, Farid Affandi cited Bank Negara Malaysia findings that only around one third of Malaysians can sustain more than 3 months of expenses if income is disrupted.

For the 40-year-old father in Shah Alam, even a short gap between jobs becomes a crisis.

A Win Path Forward

The solution is not to choose between protecting workers or helping business.

Both can move together if the government designs support that reduces risk on both sides:-

1. For workers and families

Extend income support for retrenched workers with dependants and offer a one-off household stabilisation payment.

Make upskilling compatible with working life through night classes and training allowances so families do not have to choose between learning and eating.

2. For employers

Introduce targeted wage subsidies for companies that rehire retrenched Malaysians over 35 into roles matching their experience.

Provide tax relief for firms that partner with government reskilling programmes and guarantee interviews or placements.

Simplify the process so small and medium enterprises can access these schemes without excessive bureaucracy.

3. For both

Set up a rapid response job matching taskforce for the Klang Valley.

This unit should work directly with employers to understand hiring needs and match retrenched workers in real time.

When employers see a pipeline of ready, supported candidates, they are more likely to hire. When workers see real jobs at the end of training, they are more likely to commit.

What Must Happen Next

Until the retrenched father in Shah Alam can see a path forward that does not mean choosing between feeding his children and retraining for the future, our labour market will not be truly resilient.

For employers, until they see that rehiring local talent comes with manageable risk and real support, those jobs will stay empty.

Policy that connects the two will turn a fragile balance into a recovery that works for families and for business. – NMH

The writer is Vice-President of Parti Cinta Malaysia and a commentator on governance and public policy. The views expressed are his own.

The post Sleepless in Unemployment – Klang Valley Saw 7,000 Jobs Lost in a Month first appeared on NMH.

Let’s call it what it is. Malaysia’s press freedom is backsliding, and the Madani government’s excuses are wearing thin.

We’re 95th out of 180 countries in 2026, down seven places in a year.

That’s not progress, but a signal that the space for independent journalism is shrinking again, even under a government that promised reform.

The numbers alone don’t tell the whole story. What matters is what happens in newsrooms when the phone rings, when a source goes quiet, or when an editor kills a story not because it’s wrong, but because it’s risky.

Malaysian journalists are rarely beaten in the street, and Reporters Without Borders (RSF) noted a slight improvement in safety for 2026.

But safety from assault means little when legal harassment, police raids, and smear campaigns do the job instead. Cross certain lines and you risk prosecution.

Managed

When the law is used this way, the press stops being a check on power and becomes a managed channel for it.

Two things keep holding us back.

First, the legal framework. The Sedition Act 1948 and the Communications and Multimedia Act (CMA) are still on the books and still being deployed.

The Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ) recorded a 23 per cent rise in the use of expression-restricting laws in 2025. That’s not deterrence against hate speech. It’s deterrence against scrutiny.

Second, ownership. Strict licensing and concentrated media ownership mean a handful of politically connected groups control much of the sector.

When a publisher’s business interests depend on government goodwill, editorial independence doesn’t stand a chance.

Examples From The Last Two Years

In January 2026, former FMT journalist Rex Tan was arrested after asking about race at a public forum on Palestine.

Tan was investigated under the Sedition Act 1948, Section 505 of the Penal Code, and Section 233 of the CMA.

CIJ said the arrest failed to meet international standards of proportionality and created a chilling effect.

In March 2026, Tamil-language daily’s journalist Kalidas Subramaniam was detained for over 24 hours after reporting on alleged undocumented migrant workers at Kulim Hi-Tech Park.

Police investigated Kalidas for criminal trespass under Section 447 of the Penal Code. CIJ called the arrest disproportionate and alarming.

In 2025, Malaysiakini journalist B. Nantha Kumar was arrested and charged with bribery days after publishing an investigation into an alleged migrant trafficking syndicate at KLIA.

Nantha denied the charge and said he was acting undercover with immigration officials.

In May 2024, Australian blogger Murray Hunter was arrested in Thailand following a request from the Malaysian authorities under the Madani government.

Hunter had written critically on Malaysian politics.

The case raised concerns over the use of foreign jurisdictions to pursue critics beyond Malaysia’s borders.

Social Media Pages Are Targets Too

The pressure now extends to the platforms news outlets rely on.

In September 2025, Malaysiakini’s Facebook and KiniTV pages were suspended for several hours just after the outlet published an investigation into a network of accounts boosting Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s Facebook engagement.

The episode came as the government tightens control over platforms through the licensing regime under the CMA and the new Online Safety Act 2025.

When platforms are made answerable to regulators, the line between moderation and editorial pressure blurs, and newsrooms lose another channel to publish freely.

Press Freedom and the Red Lines

Under Barisan Nasional and former Prime Minister Najib Razak, the media environment was restrictive but more predictable.

Between 2012 and 2017, Malaysia’s RSF rank moved from 141st to 144th. Low, but stable.

Editors knew where the red lines were, and newsrooms could plan.

Outlets like Malaysiakini still published hard-hitting investigations, and elections in 2013 and 2018 were open and combative.

Since 2023 the picture has been volatile.

We went from 73rd to 107th, back to 88th, and now sit at 95th.

Each year brings new interpretations of old laws and fresh cases against journalists.

That unpredictability makes it harder to run investigations and easier to self-censor.

For many who worked through both periods, the Najib years allowed more room to operate day to day.

The Contradiction At The Core

The gap between what’s said and what’s done is the real story here.

Anwar says Malaysia is “maturing” and must give “more open space” for criticism.

Communications Minister Fahmi Fadzil says “journalists have the right to ask any questions.”

But the laws haven’t changed, and the arrests haven’t stopped.

Rex Tan gets investigated for asking about race. Kalidas Subramaniam is detained for reporting on migrant workers. Malaysiakini’s Nantha faces bribery charges days after publishing an investigation.

Even bloggers abroad are not safe, as Murray Hunter’s arrest showed.

You can’t claim to uphold press freedom while using the Sedition Act and Section 233 of the CMA to prosecute reporting that embarrasses the powerful, and while seeking to silence critics across borders.

That’s not maturity. That’s managed messaging dressed up as reform.

If the government wants credibility on this, it needs to do two things: repeal or amend the laws that criminalise speech, and let the Malaysian Media Council operate without political control.

Until then, the quotes from Putrajaya will keep contradicting the files in the courts.

Malaysia’s press freedom won’t be measured by press releases.

It’ll be measured by whether media outlets can publish a story the government wishes hadn’t been written. Right now, many can’t. – NMH

The writer is Vice-President of Parti Cinta Malaysia and a commentator on governance and public policy. The views expressed are his own.

The post Malaysia’s Press Freedom Needs More Than Rankings to Recover first appeared on NMH.

Commentary And Analysis . . . The Way Forward on Adat in Negeri Sembilan, out of constitutional crisis, probably involves convening a sitting of the validly appointed Undang Luak only, after Datuk Mubarak Thahak’s status was determined by the Dewan Keadilan dan Undang.

The clash between adat and law arises, on curing defects, provided there’s right forum for resolution viz. one with jurisdiction (power).

There must be enquiry that satisfies audi alteram partem (hear the other side) and Article 10(1), with written reasons.

If the dispute persists, an Originating Summons (OS) for judicial review can help determine constitutional compliance. OS, for those unfamiliar, involves facts not in dispute. If there are facts in dispute, the court can, may and will substitute OS with Writ of Summons and Statement of Claim.

In any case, what must be avoided was political intervention—read Federal—that may undermine Article 71(4).

Adat And Law

If true, the proposed sitting on 29 May 2026 provides forum for political accommodation viz. out of court settlement which may or may not be recorded by the High Court.

However, politics cannot cure jurisdictional defect rooted in constitutional procedure. The clash between Adat And Law, at some point, needs resolution.

Yang Di Pertuan Besar

The facts available show that the declaration of 19 April 2026 was legally defective and does not affect the tenure of Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir, as Yang Di Pertuan Besar (YDPB), under Article 7(2) of the Undang-Undang Tubuh Kerajaan Negeri Sembilan 1959.

Defect

The Defect arises from two independent grounds:

First, the composition of the body that made the declaration failed on satisfying Article 10(1).

If the removal of Datuk Mubarak Thahak by the Dewan Keadilan dan Undang on 17 April 2026 was valid, he ceased as Undang Luak and could not exercise the powers of that office.

A decision made by three persons does not meet the constitutional requirement of the Undang Yang Empat.

This renders the act void ab initio (void from the beginning) for want of jurisdiction ratione personae (by reason of the person).

Second, even if the four Undang had standing, the process did not comply with natural justice.

Article 10(1) implies a determination based on a full and complete enquiry with notice and an opportunity for being heard.

“Misconduct”

The public announcement cited “Misconduct, without particulars, and without affording the ruler audi alteram partem (hear the other side).

This constitutes breach of natural justice [naturalis iustitia] and renders the decision susceptible. It can be set aside.

The High Court retains supervisory jurisdiction for determining whether there was compliance with the written State Constitution, notwithstanding Article 121(1A) of the Federal Constitution. The court may not review the merits of adat, but it may review whether the procedure prescribed by the written Constitution was followed.

Federal intervention in the state political process does not cure the constitutional defect. If there was no public order justification, under Article 153, any Federal intervention risks being ultra vires under Article 71(4).

In Part 2, we will look at threshold issues like the removal of Datuk Mubarak Thahak as Undang. — NMH

Also read:

Negeri Sembilan: Emergency Cannot Remove Four Undang

The post Adat and Law in Clash of Civilisations in Negeri Sembilan first appeared on NMH.

While Pakatan Harapan (PH) staged a show of unity in Johor on 17 May 2026, PKR was unravelling 300 km away.

The PH Convention, themed “Tekad Madani, Harapan Rakyat”, was meant to signal readiness for state polls and GE16.

Instead, the headlines were hijacked by a press conference in Petaling Jaya.

That afternoon, Rafizi Ramli and Nik Nazmi quit PKR, vacated Pandan and Setiawangsa, and took over Parti Bersama Malaysia (Bersama).

The timing was deliberate.

As Anwar spoke in Johor Bahru, his former deputy president launched a rival platform aimed at the urban, reformist voters who delivered PH’s 2022 victory.

Analysts call it the gravest challenge yet to Anwar’s administration.

As the South China Morning Post noted, ‘Rafizi’s breakaway gamble is unlikely to bring down Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim on its own, but it could still wound the ruling coalition by peeling away reformist voters who helped PH take power in 2022.’

Nurul Izzah – Holding the Centre or on the Sidelines?

The other question hanging over PKR is Nurul Izzah Anwar’s role.

Popularly known as Puteri Reformasi, she won the deputy presidency in May 2025 with 9,803 votes, defeating Rafizi in a contest billed as a generational handover.

Since her election, she has kept a low public profile.

No sparring with Rafizi, no high-profile interventions.

Instead, she has focused on party strategy, youth and women ahead of GE16, positioning herself as a unifying figure.

At the May 2025 congress, Anwar dismissed nepotism claims, telling delegates Nurul Izzah was ‘chosen by members’.

Nurul Izzah has since said her priority is “leading PKR to GE16 victory, with an emphasis on unity, women, youth and rebuilding voter trust.”

That approach carries tradeoffs.

Staying above the fray avoids framing the split as a personal feud and keeps her positioned as a potential stabiliser.

But without publicly defining her stance on the split, both supporters and critics can interpret her role.

If PKR holds its urban base, she can point to steady stewardship.

If it doesn’t, questions about her influence will resurface.

Can PKR Hold Its 31 Seats? The Numbers Say No

On paper, PKR enters GE16 with 31 parliamentary seats and key ministries.

On the ground, it looks shaky.

First, seat share is shrinking. Rafizi estimates PKR can contest only 50 federal seats this time, half of GE15, perhaps due to negotiations with BN and DAP, if any.

Second, the Malay vote remains the problem. PKR needs 35% to hold 30-40 seats. It is at 27%.

Third, incumbency is no guarantee. Merdeka Centre’s Ibrahim Suffian warns that ‘PKR’s big problem is that it has not used incumbency as the lead player in government to build a power base that will make it a lasting political institution’.

The scenarios are sobering.

Best case: PKR holds 22-25 seats by retaining Malay-belt incumbents and limiting urban losses.

Base case: It slips to 18-22 seats and becomes a junior partner in PH.

Worst case: It falls below 15 seats and risks irrelevance in Peninsular politics.

According to a leaked internal ‘GE16 Strategic Analysis’, the party is defending just seven safe seats.

Even Anwar’s Tambun seat is marginal, while vice-presidents Amirudin Shari and R. Ramanan’s Gombak and Sungai Buloh seats are in the red zone.

PKR is on the defensive across most seats, forcing it to concentrate resources and drop weak divisions as Bersama and PN target the same urban Malay base.

Reformasi in Government: The Identity Crisis Returns

This is not just about seats.

It is about what PKR stands for, now that it is the party of government.

For 20 years, Reformasi was a movement outside the gates.

Now it is inside, delivering cash aid, wage hikes and stability while being blamed for the rising cost of living.

Rafizi’s pitch with Bersama is simple: ‘Existing political parties can no longer respond to issues of rising cost of living, employment and salary mismatch.’

He called it a ‘kamikaze’ for Gen Z, Gen Alpha and Gen Beta who want a choice outside the PH-BN duopoly.

If PKR bleeds urban seats to Bersama, Anwar can’t blame the opposition. He’ll be defending a party that lost its reason for existing the moment it won power.

And if voters decide that in GE16, Anwar won’t just lose seats. He’ll lose the story that put him in Putrajaya.

PKR at the Crossroads

PKR’s split is less about personalities and more about an identity crisis deferred too long.

Anwar needed Rafizi’s machinery to win in 2022.

Now that machinery has left, Nurul Izzah must prove PKR can win without it.

The party’s 31 seats are not safe. They depend on whether PH holds the urban-reformist vote and whether Anwar’s cash politics wins back the Malay ground PKR has lost.

If it cannot, GE16 will show that PKR’s Reformasi brand was always stronger outside government than inside it.

That would be the most damning verdict of all. – NMH

The writer is Vice-president of Parti Cinta Malaysia and a commentator on governance and public policy. The views expressed are his own.

The post PKR Tears Itself Apart While In Power: The Real ‘Reformasi’? first appeared on NMH.

NOT every tradition survives by accident. Some endure because they remain relevant, because they hold a society together when everything else pulls it apart, a point DAP’s Tony Pua seems to have missed.

In Malaysia, respect for the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and the Malay Rulers was once instinctive.

It formed part of our national rhythm — a quiet thread linking history, identity and continuity in a country of many races and faiths.

You did not have to agree with every decision. But you understood that the institution stood above the daily churn of politics.

The Latest Flashpoint: Tony Pua

That understanding is now fraying.

The latest flashpoint is Tony Pua and his Facebook post responding to Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah’s decree on the Rukun Negara controversy.

This week, Malaysians watched what happens when that thread is tugged too hard.

Pua’s post has drawn dozens of police reports nationwide and reignited debate over the limits of political speech.

According to Bernama, Pua has since provided a statement to police over his Facebook post on Wednesday (21 May 2026).

“It was an investigation under Section 505 of the Penal Code and Section 233 of the Communications and Multimedia Act,” he was quoted as saying.

More than 80 police reports have reportedly been lodged, with the first made in Sri Muda, Shah Alam.

Constitutionally Framed, But Incomplete

Pua’s argument is straightforward.

Malaysia is a constitutional monarchy. Royal powers are defined and limited. Citizens, he says, should follow the Constitution and the Rukun Negara, not treat royal decrees as binding in all aspects of life.

Framed that way, it sounds like civic education.

But for many Malaysians, it landed differently.

Umno secretary-general Asyraf Wajdi described the remarks as “disrespectful towards the monarchy”, adding that mocking a Sultan’s decree crosses a line beyond free speech.

A PKR youth leader put it more bluntly: the monarchy is not merely symbolic, but a pillar of sovereignty and unity.

Both reactions point to something deeper.

The issue is not whether the Constitution limits royal power. It does.

The issue is whether the monarchy can be reduced to only those limits.

More Than a Legal Institution

The role of the Rulers has never been purely legal.

It is also symbolic, cultural and unifying — a shared reference point that sits above party lines, above ethnicity, above the next election cycle.

Meanwhile, legal scholar Prof Madya Dr Shahrul Mizan Ismail cautions against reducing the monarchy to what he describes as a “constitutional minimalism”, a reading that strips the institution down to its narrowest legal functions while ignoring its structural role within the Federation.

Writing in response to the same controversy, he argues that the Federal Constitution does not merely limit the monarchy, but embeds it as part of Malaysia’s governing framework: from executive authority to discretionary powers in moments of political uncertainty.

To frame the Rulers as purely ceremonial, he suggests, is not just incomplete but legally imprecise, overlooking the balance the Constitution deliberately strikes between elected authority and constitutional monarchy.

This is the point often missed in public debate.

The danger lies not in constitutionalism itself, but in reading the Constitution too narrowly.

Progress Without Continuity Has No Centre

For most Malaysians, the monarchy remains a symbol of unity above politics.

For some, its role feels outdated.

But progress without continuity becomes change without a centre.

Strip away that centre, and what follows is not clarity, but fragmentation.

This is not the first time Pua has ventured into this territory.

In 2024, the former Damansara MP was investigated under the Sedition Act over comments on the Pardons Board’s decision involving Najib Razak, with police saying the posts could incite public disdain towards the royal institution.

DAP distanced itself then, noting that the views did not reflect the party’s position.

Yet the pattern persists.

Respect Keeps Us Connected

Malaysia does not need less debate.

It needs debate that understands what it is debating.

Criticising policy is one thing. Reducing centuries-old institutions to inconvenient relics is another.

The Rukun Negara itself begins with “Kepercayaan kepada Tuhan” and includes “Kesetiaan kepada Raja dan Negara” for a reason.

These were not written lightly. They were meant to hold the country together, not to be selectively invoked.

Traditions like this must endure — not because they are frozen in time, but because they continue to serve a purpose.

Respect is not submission.

It is recognition of what keeps us connected when politics threatens to pull us apart.

Lose that, and Malaysia does not become more modern.

It becomes more divided.

Daulat Tuanku. – NMH

The writer is the Vice-president of Parti Cinta Malaysia and a commentator on governance and public policy. The views expressed are his own.

The post Tony Pua, the Constitution and the Monarchy: When Legalism Misses the Point first appeared on NMH.