Analysis

The opening week of the 1MDB Civil Trial has evolved into more than a dispute over who should bear responsibility for losses allegedly suffered by 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB). While the defence has questioned the basis of the RM24 billion claim in light of substantial recoveries, cross-examination of investigator Richard Templeman, challenges to the reliability of board minutes and objections to portions of Tony Pua's witness statement have placed the evidential foundation of the plaintiffs' case under scrutiny.

In Part 1, we examined why the 2016 South China Sea arbitral award continues to raise legitimate legal questions. In Part 2, we shift the focus to a more fundamental issue: how Malaysia should advance its own interests in the South China Sea. From the historical legacy of the "Malayan Sea" to recent developments at Pulau Layang-Layang, Lawyer Nor Hisham Mohd Nor argues that Malaysia must articulate a distinctly Malaysian narrative rooted in sovereignty, history and national interest.

Johor has delivered more than a state election result — it has sent a powerful political message to Putrajaya. The scale of Barisan Nasional's victory suggests that voters were motivated less by political rhetoric and more by concerns over the rising cost of living, governance and leadership, making the election a significant barometer of national sentiment.

As the tenth anniversary of the South China Sea arbitral award approaches, renewed efforts are underway to portray the ruling as the definitive legal framework for resolving disputes in the South China Sea. Some governments, advocacy groups and foreign policy commentators are expected to use the anniversary to reinforce a particular narrative about the dispute and its implications for the region. Yet, before Malaysians accept such narratives at face value, it is worth revisiting the legal questions that continue to surround the award ten years after it was issued. Lawyer Nor Hisham Mohd Nor writes in Part 1.

Negeri Sembilan 5 June Meet, by itself, cannot resolve Civilisational Crisis (Part 2).

DAP spent decades calling Umno racist. Now the party, part of the Unity Government, is silent on the very policies it once condemned

The national unemployment rate may look steady, but for families in Selangor and Kuala Lumpur facing sudden job loss, the reality feels far less secure.

Remarks by Tony Pua may be constitutionally framed. But reducing the monarchy to its narrowest legal role risks misunderstanding the very Constitution he invokes.

Umno is preparing to repackage itself as a competent party ready to run government as a ‘professional administration’ based on history and traditions.

The public break between Anwar and Rafizi exposes that the so-called reformist project by PKR died in government, leaving BN the only party offering coherence.

In law, judicial review asks whether the decision-maker considered irrelevant factors, ignored relevant ones, acted in bad faith or reached a conclusion no reasonable authority could reach (Part 2).

Eight years, and then some. GE14 toppled one government. Since then, we’ve had four prime ministers, BN is back in Cabinet, and reforms are stuck in committee.