The exit of former PKR strongmen Rafizi Ramli and Nik Nazmi has exposed a party still struggling to define itself in power
While Pakatan Harapan (PH) staged a show of unity in Johor on 17 May 2026, PKR was unravelling 300 km away.
The PH Convention, themed “Tekad Madani, Harapan Rakyat”, was meant to signal readiness for state polls and GE16.
Instead, the headlines were hijacked by a press conference in Petaling Jaya.
That afternoon, Rafizi Ramli and Nik Nazmi quit PKR, vacated Pandan and Setiawangsa, and took over Parti Bersama Malaysia (Bersama).
The timing was deliberate.
As Anwar spoke in Johor Bahru, his former deputy president launched a rival platform aimed at the urban, reformist voters who delivered PH’s 2022 victory.
Analysts call it the gravest challenge yet to Anwar’s administration.
As the South China Morning Post noted, ‘Rafizi’s breakaway gamble is unlikely to bring down Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim on its own, but it could still wound the ruling coalition by peeling away reformist voters who helped PH take power in 2022.’
Nurul Izzah – Holding the Centre or on the Sidelines?
The other question hanging over PKR is Nurul Izzah Anwar’s role.
Popularly known as Puteri Reformasi, she won the deputy presidency in May 2025 with 9,803 votes, defeating Rafizi in a contest billed as a generational handover.
Since her election, she has kept a low public profile.
No sparring with Rafizi, no high-profile interventions.
Instead, she has focused on party strategy, youth and women ahead of GE16, positioning herself as a unifying figure.
At the May 2025 congress, Anwar dismissed nepotism claims, telling delegates Nurul Izzah was ‘chosen by members’.
Nurul Izzah has since said her priority is “leading PKR to GE16 victory, with an emphasis on unity, women, youth and rebuilding voter trust.”
That approach carries tradeoffs.
Staying above the fray avoids framing the split as a personal feud and keeps her positioned as a potential stabiliser.
But without publicly defining her stance on the split, both supporters and critics can interpret her role.
If PKR holds its urban base, she can point to steady stewardship.
If it doesn’t, questions about her influence will resurface.
Can PKR Hold Its 31 Seats? The Numbers Say No
On paper, PKR enters GE16 with 31 parliamentary seats and key ministries.
On the ground, it looks shaky.
First, seat share is shrinking. Rafizi estimates PKR can contest only 50 federal seats this time, half of GE15, perhaps due to negotiations with BN and DAP, if any.
Second, the Malay vote remains the problem. PKR needs 35% to hold 30-40 seats. It is at 27%.
Third, incumbency is no guarantee. Merdeka Centre’s Ibrahim Suffian warns that ‘PKR’s big problem is that it has not used incumbency as the lead player in government to build a power base that will make it a lasting political institution’.
The scenarios are sobering.
Best case: PKR holds 22-25 seats by retaining Malay-belt incumbents and limiting urban losses.
Base case: It slips to 18-22 seats and becomes a junior partner in PH.
Worst case: It falls below 15 seats and risks irrelevance in Peninsular politics.
According to a leaked internal ‘GE16 Strategic Analysis’, the party is defending just seven safe seats.
Even Anwar’s Tambun seat is marginal, while vice-presidents Amirudin Shari and R. Ramanan’s Gombak and Sungai Buloh seats are in the red zone.
PKR is on the defensive across most seats, forcing it to concentrate resources and drop weak divisions as Bersama and PN target the same urban Malay base.
Reformasi in Government: The Identity Crisis Returns
This is not just about seats.
It is about what PKR stands for, now that it is the party of government.
For 20 years, Reformasi was a movement outside the gates.
Now it is inside, delivering cash aid, wage hikes and stability while being blamed for the rising cost of living.
Rafizi’s pitch with Bersama is simple: ‘Existing political parties can no longer respond to issues of rising cost of living, employment and salary mismatch.’
He called it a ‘kamikaze’ for Gen Z, Gen Alpha and Gen Beta who want a choice outside the PH-BN duopoly.
If PKR bleeds urban seats to Bersama, Anwar can’t blame the opposition. He’ll be defending a party that lost its reason for existing the moment it won power.
And if voters decide that in GE16, Anwar won’t just lose seats. He’ll lose the story that put him in Putrajaya.
PKR at the Crossroads
PKR’s split is less about personalities and more about an identity crisis deferred too long.
Anwar needed Rafizi’s machinery to win in 2022.
Now that machinery has left, Nurul Izzah must prove PKR can win without it.
The party’s 31 seats are not safe. They depend on whether PH holds the urban-reformist vote and whether Anwar’s cash politics wins back the Malay ground PKR has lost.
If it cannot, GE16 will show that PKR’s Reformasi brand was always stronger outside government than inside it.
That would be the most damning verdict of all. – NMH
The writer is Vice-president of Parti Cinta Malaysia and a commentator on governance and public policy. The views expressed are his own.
Facebook Comments
Facebook Comments