Eight years, and then some. GE14 toppled one government. Since then, we’ve had four prime ministers, BN is back in Cabinet, and reforms are stuck in committee.
On 9 May 2018, Malaysians ended Barisan Nasional’s (BN) 61-year rule and gave the mandate to Pakatan Harapan (PH). Eight years later today, things have spiralled down to almost a joke.
The PH campaign then was dominated by 1MDB, GST, and broader governance concerns under Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s administration.
Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad returned as prime minister at 93. It was a watershed for Malaysian democracy.
Eight years on, it is necessary to assess what changed, what remained, and whether the system itself has shifted.
This is not an audit of one man, but of the structures he worked within and the ones we still inhabit.
From One Administration to Four Premierships
On 9 May 2018, Najib Razak concluded his tenure as Malaysia’s sixth prime minister after nine years and 37 days in office.
Since then, Malaysia has had four prime ministers: Mahathir, Muhyiddin Yassin, Ismail Sabri Yaakob, and Anwar Ibrahim, alongside interim and caretaker periods.
The average tenure now stands at 1.8 years.
We once criticised the BN era for excessive stability. We have since corrected for that, perhaps too enthusiastically.
The Unity Government – Eight Years Later
The current unity government comprises PH, BN, GPS, GRS and Warisan.
In a twist few predicted in 2018, BN — the coalition voted out for its perceived failings — is back in Cabinet.
If GE14 proved that governments can be changed, the last eight years proved that the political elite are remarkably recyclable.
Corruption: From Headline Scandal to Incremental Gains
GE14 was, in many ways, a referendum on 1MDB.
The case eroded public trust and became shorthand for systemic abuse.
Eight years later, Malaysia’s score on Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index stands at 52 out of 100 in 2025, placing 54th of 182 countries.
That is five points higher than the 47 recorded in 2018, when Malaysia ranked 61st.
The government has set a target of breaking into the top 25 by 2033, and the MACC aims for a score of 60 within two to three years.
Legislative progress includes the Finance and Fiscal Responsibility Act 2023, amendments to the Audit Act 1957, and beneficial ownership provisions under the Companies Act 2024.
Najib’s conviction was historic. It demonstrated that the rule of law could reach the highest office.
Yet the CPI score of 52 suggests that while impunity has been challenged, institutional reform remains incomplete.
We have moved from one dominant scandal to a landscape where “court clusters” cut across party lines.
The script has changed; the genre is familiar.
The Economy: From GST to SST, BR1M to STR, but the Bills Remain
The Najib administration’s signature fiscal policy was the Goods and Services Tax (GST), introduced in 2015 at 6%. It was deeply unpopular and became a central GE14 issue.
PH abolished GST in 2018 and reinstated the Sales and Service Tax (SST).
The GST vs SST debate has been reduced to politics. GST is often called regressive, yet most advanced economies offset this through targeted relief. SST, by contrast, collects less and lacks transparency—shrinking the very resources needed to support lower-income groups.
Either way, revenue constraints persist.
Cash aid has evolved from BR1M, which disbursed up to RM1,200 per household, to a suite of targeted programmes — STR, SARA, e-Madani — with digital delivery and means-testing.
The shift from blanket to targeted assistance is fiscally prudent.
The lived reality for many is that targeting is still imperfect, and the cost of living keeps rising.
Headline inflation was 1.7% in March 2026, with food inflation at 1.1%.
But eating out rose 2.3% — a reminder that real-world costs are climbing faster than the numbers suggest. Meanwhile, diesel in Peninsular Malaysia hit RM4.12 per litre in March 2026.
The ringgit strengthened to RM3.968 against the US dollar in January 2026, a level last seen in 2018.
Foreign direct investment is robust: RM282.2 billion in realised manufacturing FDI was recorded between 2022 and September 2025, with the total FDI position exceeding RM1 trillion by Q4 2025.
Still, median monthly household income was RM6,338 in 2024, and 1.2 million Malaysians were registered below the poverty line as of 31 December 2025.
The Poverty Line Income (PLI) was revised to RM2,705 in 2024. In 2016, median household income was RM5,228, and the PLI was RM980.
The numbers are not directly comparable due to methodology changes, but the sentiment on the ground is clear: nominal gains have been eaten by costs.
We replaced “cash is king” with “scan the QR code”, but for many, the wallet is still light.
Reform: The Manifesto Versus the Memo
The 2018 PH manifesto was comprehensive: abolish tolls, PTPTN, SOSMA, the Sedition Act, and enact a Political Financing Act.
Eight years later, tolls remain. PTPTN remains. SOSMA and the Sedition Act remain. The Political Financing Act is still being “studied”.
We have become adept at producing frameworks, blueprints, and task forces.
The gap between announcement and implementation is where “New Malaysia” lives.
To Najib’s credit, his administration delivered MRT Line 1, the Pan-Borneo Highway, and laid groundwork for the digital economy.
The issue in 2018 was not that nothing was built, but that trust was broken.
GE14 fixed the trust deficit temporarily. The last eight years show that rebuilding institutions takes longer than rebuilding highways.
Conclusion: The System Audit
GE14 proved that elections can remove a government. It did not, by itself, remove patronage, short-termism, or the circulation of elites.
BN is back in government. GLCs continue to dominate the economy. The civil service, procurement norms, and race-based mobilisation remain largely intact.
The Najib years delivered infrastructure and growth, but were undone by a catastrophic breach of governance.
The post-2018 years delivered accountability and genuine political competition, but have yet to deliver stability or decisive structural reform.
We saved Malaysia from one administration in 2018. The unresolved question in 2026 is whether we have built an administration that can save Malaysians from the next crisis — be it fiscal, institutional, or political.
Until then, “New Malaysia” remains a project, not a product. And the warranty is still under review. – NMH
The writer is the Vice-President of Parti Cinta Malaysia who still keeps his GE14 inky-finger selfie as a reminder that democracy is a process, not a purchase.
Editor’s note: New Malaysia Herald was born eight years ago. Thus the name …
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Here are the front pages of our local newspapers, the morning after GE14
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