When Barisan Nasional fell in May 2018, it was more than a political upset — it was the end of a six-decade status quo. Najib Razak, long seen by supporters as one of Malaysia’s most effective prime ministers, was painted as the face of the 1MDB scandal and punished at the ballot box.

But was it really so simple?

Najib trusted operatives like Jho Low and Nik Faisal, who today remain fugitives. It is a known fact that they and other colleagues siphoned funds on a massive scale. Despite the global reach of intelligence agencies, neither has been captured. If the CIA and FBI could track Osama bin Laden in a cave, why has the world been unable to locate Jho Low?

Najib And 1MDB – Part Of A Political Playbook

Many names surfaced during 1MDB and SRC trials, but not all were charged. The U.S. Department of Justice never indicted Najib directly, and Swiss authorities found no evidence tying him personally to the theft. To some, this selective pursuit feels less like justice and more like orchestration — the kind of political playbook powerful foreign interests have used elsewhere to bring governments down.

Of course, domestic factors mattered too: BN fatigue, a hungry opposition, younger urban voters, and a weak digital strategy. Yet the years since 2018 have shown the “new dawn” was short-lived. Instead, Malaysians have endured revolving-door prime ministers, unstable coalitions, and a politics of uncertainty.

The Opposition’s Fragile Unity

Pakatan Harapan’s victory in 2018 was due in large part to its unlikely coalition. Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, returning as prime minister at age 92, stood alongside his former rival Anwar Ibrahim. But that unity was tactical, not durable. Within two years, the alliance collapsed, setting off the “Sheraton Move” and subsequent reshuffles that Malaysians are still grappling with today.

What was marketed as “rescue” ended up compounding the instability.

Fast Forward to Today

Seven years on, the political ground is still shifting:

1. PAS and PN’s rise: PAS has consolidated its base, bringing Perikatan Nasional into contention in several states. Its growth reflects a deeper undercurrent of dissatisfaction with mainstream parties.
2. East Malaysian divergence: Sarawak is charting its own path, with progress and stability giving it leverage to distance itself from federal squabbles. Sabah, in contrast, is caught in messy coalition politics and is bracing for an election that could reshape its balance of power.
3. State elections ahead: As several states prepare for polls, the question is whether voters will double down on local parties, swing to PN, or stick with fragmented unity governments.
4. The Madani trust deficit: Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s administration faces a credibility gap. Policies are rolled out, but the narratives are poorly explained and fail to resonate with ordinary Malaysians. Without a stronger connection to the ground, Madani risks being seen as just another slogan.

The Bigger Question

If GE14 taught Malaysians anything, it is that perception drives politics. Najib fell less because of proven guilt than because of a sustained narrative of corruption and betrayal. Today, the same pattern looms: a government struggling to define itself, an opposition sharpening its messaging, and voters restless for leadership they can trust.

The story of Najib’s fall is not just about the past. It is a warning that in Malaysia, governments may fall not only because of what they do, but because of how effectively others tell the story. 2018 taught us that toppling a government is easy. Building a better one is the lesson we still haven’t learned. – NMH

The post Seven Years After Najib: The Lessons We Haven’t Learned first appeared on NMH.

This troubling transformation reduces the revered halls of Parliament to mere stages for political pantomime, where insults fly with greater frequency than informed discourse. MPs engaged in such antics not only erode the dignity of their office but also detract from the gravity of governmental proceedings, casting a shadow over the noble pursuit of law-making and civic leadership.

Amidst this spectacle, the role of the Speaker of the House is thrust into the limelight, with a weighty responsibility resting on their shoulders. Tasked with ensuring the smooth flow of parliamentary meetings, the Speaker must navigate these choppy waters with a firm hand. By enforcing strict adherence to rules of decorum and debate, the Speaker is pivotal in curbing the excesses of performative politics. Yet, the effectiveness of this role hinges on a delicate balance between assertive authority and impartial stewardship, a balance that is critical for restoring semblance to the legislative process.

But what recourse do Malaysian citizens have when faced with the disheartening reality of their representatives prioritizing theatrics over substance? Empowerment lies in the very foundation of democracy—the voice of the people. Here are steps the public can take to reclaim the sanctity of their Parliament:

1. Voicing Concerns Through Official Channels: Citizens should utilize platforms provided by the government, such as parliamentary websites or public forums, to raise concerns about MPs’ conduct.
2. Engagement in Civil Society Initiatives: Joining or supporting advocacy groups focused on political transparency and accountability can amplify calls for reform.
3. Educational Advocacy: Promoting awareness about the responsibilities of MPs and the significance of parliamentary decorum can shift public expectations and standards.
4. Active Participation in Electoral Processes: Ultimately, the most potent tool at the disposal of the citizens is their vote. Electing representatives who exemplify integrity and a commitment to genuine governance is paramount.
5. Social Media Mobilization: In an age where information is disseminated at lightning speed, citizens can use social media platforms constructively to highlight instances of misconduct and galvanize public opinion for change.

The current state of play within the Malaysian Parliament, marked by a descent into the absurd, calls for a concerted effort to elevate the calibre of political discourse and conduct. It’s a collective endeavour that demands robust oversight from the Speaker, a reinvigorated sense of duty among MPs, and, crucially, an engaged and vigilant public. Only through this shared commitment can the Malaysian Parliament reclaim its stature, transitioning from a source of national embarrassment to a beacon of democratic integrity and governance.

The post Circus or Parliament? The Alarming Comedy of Malaysian Politics first appeared on NMH.

The other day according to this report “Former Damansara MP Tony Pua has responded to Umno Youth’s plan to lodge police reports over his Facebook posts on the Pardons Board decision regarding Datuk Seri Najib Razak”, apparently Tony bro insulted the Agong.

Well, they don’t call DAP biaDAP (rude) for nothing.

But that’s not the point. He later mentioned there that his own “days of police reports” are, in fact, over. DAP, on the whole, for detractors that is, had never probably done any decent day’s work for the people of their constituency, but you can bet your sweet ass that they have never let go of their deep relationship with the law. I also bet your sweet ass (no, not my fetish) that they have about 278 containers storing only copies of police reports they made about since some of them got their asses hauled by Dr. Mahathir during Ops Lalang. Some of them are buddies with the sexagenarian now (God, this sentence sounds kinky). 

DAP And PAS

Speaking of police report, in fact, as recent as last November, three of the DAP lawmakers made a police report because some PAS girl claimed – referring to DAP in general – and implied that the party, and/or some members have a connection with the communist party and that they supported, practised and spread communist ideology and philosophy in the country.

Good that the DAP buggers retaliated. In fact, I would consider the gal to be dumb if she was to think that DAP has anything to do with a God-less ideology. Au Contraire, almost all of the party members are as religious as … err… hell? Someone once mentioned that if Barisan Nasional is like the Republicans in the US, then DAP and gang are like the Democrats.

That’s horse shit. Most DAP members are regular Islamophobic church-goers worshipping the god who presided over mass people drowning, locust sending and pestilence causing events. Like how some of the Muslim leaders use mosques to preach, DAP leaders take advantage of the churches sending chills down the patrons’ spine with race-based horror fiction as if Book of Revelation has not already shrunk several vital organs.

I know this personally, as I have seen  – during my rehab days, where the Centre itself was a ministry of a huge church in PJ – DAP politicians regularly appearing and giving sermons with completely direct, go for broke, speeches against UMNO and the other race (you know, *wink! wink!*).

While politically, the Malays are divided between UMNO, PAS and various other Malay based parties, it is a well-known fact that both Chinese (the race) and Christians (the religion) are with DAP, a majority of their support that is, enough to spark rumours that DAP is intent on its Agenda to Christianise Malaysia. Not the first time though. 

So, there is no effin way has DAP got to do with an atheism-based ideology as that PAS gal claimed. Definitely not communist, no. This is also affirmed by the Communist Party of Malaya member, Abdullah CD, who noted that the People’s Action Party of Singapore, from which DAP splintered from, was staunch anti-communist. 

Church Funding

On the other hand, DAP’s association with churches is a very open thing. Here they fund a church’s renovation work. Here’s Hannah Yeoh being called by cops for Ziarah Gereja program – where she was accused of being associated with it. Definitely not Hannah, who is too busy being a sports minister and extremely tied up in giving millions to losers. Which bird wouldn’t mind wetting their beaks from the very pond they are planning to give others. 

DAP, especially in Penang is spiritual as heck. They are so obsessed with the God you can’t see physically and existentialism, we are still looking for the goddamned tunnel in Penang that can only be seen by the spiritual DAPsters – we call them that, combining DAP and hamsters, you know the one that runs on the same wheel, round and again, round and again, round and again?. Yeah, that hamster.

Disclaimer: The above is a satire aimed at teaching children about the value of bringing up hamsters. If you are offended and wanted to sue me, please do by all means. I’m sure as hell could use some publicity. If you are hurting, then you better seek the rapist, I mean, a therapist. – NMH

Editor’s note: The points expressed in this article are that of the writer and do not necessarily reflect the stand of the NMH.

The post DAP: We Ain’t No Commies, We Are Brothers And Sisters Of …. first appeared on NMH.

I woke up the other day to the news that some guy named N. Surendran has quit PKR. Look, I am not an ardent follower of everything politics. I don’t obsessively write about politics. I don’t eat, drink, burp and sleep politics. but I have been around to know that ever since Barisan Nasional been kicked out of power, we are in the phase in Hollywood known as “terrible sequel”. It’s like the 1978 majestic Superman, followed up by a horrific sequel with Three Stooges styled slapsticks.

We are at that stage now.

Back to PKR. If you look at the collages below, Surendran’s quitting follows a series of resignations, some en masse and even firing that has been occurring since the party was incepted twenty years ago. Those news go only as far back as 2018!

PKR And The Cries Of Reforms

We all know that the party was formed for only one thing and one thing only: Reformation, of everything that was supposedly wrong politically in the country.

Who am I kidding? It is so obvious that PKR was formed for only one, not thing, but person, that is Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim. To glorify him and whichever struggles he is putting up as a front to his quest to become a Prime Minister. PKR is Anwar Ibrahim. Anwar Ibrahim is PKR. Any other ingredients in it are negligible. And therefore, dispensable. 

Were those who quit not aware of that? That they actually fell for Anwar’s charm (as opposed to charisma, which is organic) and thought the whole shebang was for reformation, or to make Malaysia great again (Malaysia was never great, Melaka was) is self-deception at best.

Just look at it. If quitting has been happening in UMNO, that’s a norm. The party is older than my father, so there oughta be traffic, incoming and outgoing members, some of whom have gone permanently to the big parliament in sky (R.I.P).

Parti Keadilan Rakyat is still a new kid in town. Hell, it is even younger than my nostril (I deleted the other follicular choice). And already the traffic is like tiny route to a discounted hen house. Look again at that collage of news screenshots. I made them myself, yeah I took time to do it in between my actual paying job, and it was the best of times.

Like Scurrying Cockroaches

But what was it that made these luminaries (and the less bright ones) scurry away from the party like cockroaches away from mothballs? The reasons cited are a few, and often overlaps. More often than not, there are plenty of beating around the bush is involved. That is why one party I both hate and admire is MIC, because they are what they are – a riot of political entity with the skin of a rhinoceros. 

Aside: One thing about MIC, as much as I like to kid about the party and the members, I respect their directness. The frank approach. The in-your-face attitude. The members are very open about their displeasure – you gotta understand they are not exactly a bright bunch, so they are either too dumb to have forked tongue, or too shallow to concoct a conspiratorial plot. The ones often paraded in Tamil media would not even be accepted as models for henchmen by producers at Cartoon Network.

I find this especially true of those from Tamil background. Unlike the sleazy Malayalees, or the shady Telugus, the noisy Tamils’ quick transmission from brain to mouth – without as much as editing and censorship – makes them the most honestly vocal members among the Indian community – as exemplified by MIC members. Watch what happens in most of their meetings. If the active members don’t get no respect, they shout. Not nominated for a position? They break chairs. Didn’t get garlanded when the rival received one, they break chairs. On someone’s head. Say what you want about Indians here, that includes me, you can bet that Indians are up for it when it comes to protesting and being very, very angry. They are the incredible hulks of the social demographics here. End of aside.

Coming back to the quitting PKR, the most cited reasons by those who are taking a hike would be that party have gone astray from the originally set direction. Seeing PKR is among the long list of political parties that was built with the elopers and runaways’ disappointment with legacy daddy parties (UMNO, MIC, MCA), their actual direction is as haphazard as the actual ambition they are in this new party in the first place. 

Discontent

A political party like PKR is a product of knee jerk reactions (not hand jerk reaction) stemming from discontent with the old parties. They are the bastard children of the still horny old fart parties, and the insatiable new thinking. Look at what is happening now. Put all the previous losers together at the power, and the country is heading to disaster zone faster than you can say Steve McQueen. 

What disaster? Ever since Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak had stepped down, it feels like the Creator withdrew the invisible shield protecting the country, and let anything and everything run the nation to ground. Take finance, for instance. Recently Ringgit hit a record low against the Singapore dollar. In 2023, exports shrank by 10.0%. Sure, many smiled jubilantly when the ex PM went behind slammer, are they still smiling?

Look again at those news collages. Look carefully. Let the realization sink in.

Speaking of sinking, when creaky ships start submerging in the sea, what would the disease ridden rats do? They jump overboard, of course. – NMH

Editor’s note: The points expressed in this article are that of the writer and do not necessarily reflect the stand of the NMH.

The post PKR and The Quitters: Oh, That Sinking Feeling first appeared on NMH.

Commentary And Analysis . . . The jury may no longer be out on dictatorial former Prime Minister Tun Mahathir Mohamad spinning alternative versions of history. He may be sitting on another planet and falling back on fixations, pet theories, hangups and fairy tales for some version of history on Sultan and abuse of power.

It may be form of rotten politics, for no rhyme or reason, unparalleled in local history.

It was the British who elevated the rivermouth dwelling toll collectors in Malaya as territorial rulers recognised by the English crown in 1826. The colonial administration drew borders for the territories named after the main waterways after stopping toll collection and granting them annual purse. The annual purse continues 66 years after the British left.

The nine heirs of the defunct Sulu sultanate were not so fortunate. Their annual purse, fixed at RM5,300 by the High Court of Borneo in 1939, was abolished and/or suspended in 2013 by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Abdul Razak. The then Prime Minister believed that the Sulu Heirs were behind the Lahad Datu intrusion by militants.

The sultan, as decreed by the English crown, preside over the spiritual affairs of the local ummah (faithful), language, culture, customs, traditions and rituals.

Mahathir Misleads On Sultan

The difference before and after Merdeka, on 31 August 1957, remains that the Sultan have been further elevated as head of state. Non-sultanates in Malaysia, both in Malaya and the former British Borneo, have Governor as head of state.

Article 39 of the Federal Constitution reads, “the executive authority of the Federation shall be vested in the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and exercisable, subject to the provisions of any federal law and of the Second Schedule, by him or by the Cabinet or any Minister authorised by Cabinet, but Parliament may by law confer executive functions on other persons”.

Briefly, for those unfamiliar, the Agong does not keep executive authority but delegates the power by Administration. The Prime Minister and Cabinet of Ministers exercise executive authority.

In England, for example, the unwritten/uncodified British Constitution mentions no Prime Minister and Council of Ministers. The King remains the sole executive authority. However, by convention, the King delegates executive authority by Administration. The Prime Minister and Council of Ministers assume executive authority.

Convention, i.e. the working of the Constitution, isn’t law. The court of law will not hear Application on Convention. It has no jurisdiction. Convention isn’t matter for judicial consideration and resolution as discretion isn’t law. However, discretion does not exist if abuse of power can be proven.

Abuse Of Power

It’s unthinkable that any court in Malaysia will find that abuse of power by the Agong can be proven. Likewise in England by the King or in Commonwealth jurisdiction by heads of state.

The suggestion by the Johor Sultan, the Agong in Waiting for 31 January, merits consideration. The new Agong isn’t planning on assuming executive authority. He thinks that Petronas and MACC should report to him and not the Prime Minister or Parliament.

The jury may no longer be out on whether Petronas and MACC have failed.

The Johor Sultan has seen that MACC reporting to Prime Minister or Parliament hasn’t seen justice done. There are no prizes for guessing who should be in jail but still remains free.

Mahathir, based on his own words, has allegedly committed sedition and treason.

The Johor Sultan, as new Agong come 31 January, will insist that Mahathir sits in jail. It’s about conventions, i.e. the working of the Constitution, not the latter document.

MACC remains the pits on politically motivated prosecution and selective persecution.

Najib was jailed unrepresented on 23 August last year. The conviction on the RM42m SRC International case allegedly wasn’t perfected in law for perfection in law.

UN Review

Najib awaits UN Review on arbitrary detention. The Review, expected before Christmas, can only find the SRC case incomplete and call for 2nd Review on procedures, due process and the rule of law, the basis of the Constitution.

Federal Court Review Panel Head Datuk Abdul Rahman Sebli ruled DNA (discharge and acquittal) for Najib on 31 March. The judge discovered too many transgressions against Najib.

Former Court of Appeal Judge Hamid Sultan Abu Backer advised Najib’s family recently that they can file habeas corpus application and/or Petition for Pardon before the Conference of Rulers.

The Johor Sultan has publicly expressed opinion that either more people should join Najib or that he should be released.

Petronas Abused

The Federal government has routinely used Petronas as cash cow for politically expedient causes at the expense of Sabah and Sarawak in particular. Most of Malaysia’s oil and gas resources lie in the waters of the former British Borneo.

The two Borneo territories get only 5 per cent oil royalty every year.

In addition, Sabah has been denied since 1976 the 40 per cent return on revenue enshrined in the Constitution. The return, it has been estimated, stands at RM6.4b for last year alone. The amount stands separate from the annual allocations from the National Budget for all states.

Mahathir Loses The Plot

Mahathir’s call for balance of power between the Agong and Parliament remains Opinion which may not stand up in the court of law. Only the court can declare law.

https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2023/12/12/parliament-rulers-must-agree-on-new-laws-policies-says-dr-m/

It’s also the political reality that there has been hung Parliament in Malaysia since GE14 on 9 May 2018. That has not been lost on the Johor Sultan.

Caretaker Prime Minister Najib, having the single most seats in Parliament after GE14, should have been invited on forming the government first. It did not happen.

The rest remains even more history before GE15, marked by Interim Prime Minister Mahathir, pushing for partlyless government. The idea was aborted after a week.

Two Malay government, headed by “backdoor” Prime Minister followed.

Tan Sri Muhyiddin — Mahiaddin in birth cert — did not seek confidence vote in Parliament. He fell back on emergency rule for six months by citing the pandemic numbers which may not have been true.

Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri, likewise, did not have the numbers. He signed Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Parliamentary Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.

The Agong decreed unity government after GE15 produced hung Parliament. It did not happen.

In 1969, after week-long disturbances which began on 13 May in the streets of Kuala Lumpur, polling was suspended in Sabah and Sarawak. Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman stepped down. Deputy Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak became Director of Operations, under Article 39, and the Cabinet, democracy and Parliament were suspended. The National Operations Council (NOC) replaced the Cabinet.

It can happen again if the system of party politics fails and partyless Cabinet and government does not come in. Martial law may be non-starter. — NMH

The post Mahathir Misleads On Role And Functions Of Sultan first appeared on NMH.

Commentary And Analysis . . . PAS spiritual leader Hashim Jasin, based on his own simplistic words about Umno, should not be worried. Yet, in contradiction in terms, he’s worried disingenously that Umno will be buried by GE16 in late 2027. Indeed, it should be good news for PAS if Umno was buried.

Hashim’s fears won’t happen as the Agong decreed after GE15 last November that SD (statutory declaration), dubious at best, was no proof of support. Parliament was the right and proper forum.

Politics being numbers game remains increasingly less affected by the Malay vote bank, as Umno and Barisan Nasional (BN) live and fight another day, away from ethnic-based parties. Umno, as it stands, has rock solid future with Pakatan Harapan (PH) and allies on the other side of the Southeast Asia Sea in Sabah and Sarawak.

Hashim carries on as if Umno should be given, on silver platter, some of the 49 parliamentary seats held by PAS after GE15 and the 25 parliamentary seats held by Bersatu, it’s ally in the increasingly moribund Perikatan Nasional (PN). It’s highly unlikely, given the power of incumbency in Putrajaya, that PAS and Bersatu can repeat their GE15 performance in late 2027.

Already, five Bersatu lawmakers have virtually become turncoats in recent days viz. Syed Abu Hussin Hafiz Syed Abdul Fasal (Bukit Gantang), Iskandar Dzulkarnain Abdul Khalid (Kuala Kangsar), Suhaili Abdul Rahman (Labuan), Azizi Abu Naim (Gua Musang) and Zahari Kechik (Jeli).

They have since declared support for the unity government. The media has reported that four lawmakers have announced, so far, that they will sit on the government side in Parliament.

Umno

Dictatorial former Prime Minister Tun Mahathir Mohamad indulging in wishful thinking and living on hope, the favourite past time for idle brains, predicts simplistically that Umno will be buried in 2016. It’s a case of sour grapes and dog in the manger.

It’s not known whether Mahathir read the tea leaves. It would have shown that, come 2027, he will probably be on the other side in nothingness where there’s no work. If Buddha read it right, during elightenment, there will be eternal bliss (Nirvana) or heaven on the other side.

Mahathir, on this side, has been all about forms of rotten politics, pitting people against each other based on xenophobia, prejudice and hate.

Both Hashim and Mahathir belabour in the delusion that Malay votes were the be all and end all of life for Umno.

In the new political scenario since GE15, Umno can fall back on support from DAP members in particular, Amanah and PKR (Parti Keadilan Rakyat) when GE16 comes.

Also, the stark reality remains that Malay have never placed the votes under one political platform ever since 2009 when the draconian Internal Security Act (ISA) was repealed. The ISA, by vanishing under Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, automatically reduced Malay votes for Umno.

Malay

In Malaysia, under the insidious caste system based on redundant Articles in the Constitution, it’s open secret that ordinary Malay for example have nothing but the proverbial shirt on the back. It was handful of party leaders in government, Malay and Others, who benefitted since Merdeka on 31 August 1957.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim himself noted, during the campaign for GE15 late last year, that “MIC leaders were all very rich but many Indian are dirt poor, even poorer than poor Malay”.

Anwar, so far, hasn’t taken any action against MIC leaders, as sworn late last year.

Najib

There’s UN Review pending this month on Najib. It may pave the way for his return just in time. The unity government could do with the former Prime Minister’s input on finance and economy, Anwar’s Achilles heel.

The imminent Cabinet reshuffle, expected before Christmas, will probably see Amanah losing the Domestic Trade Ministry left vacant in mid year by Datuk Salahuddin Ayub’s untimely death at 61 years.

That, in turn, will create musical chairs situation. MIC and MCA lawmakers may come in but probably not on party basis. Star too from Sabah may get the Cabinet post it lost when Mahathir abruptly resigned on 24 February 2020.

Anwar may form Cabinet of MP and Senators across the political divide, not parties, in line with the outgoing Agong’s decree on unity government. That spells certain death for Bersatu in particular as party and PAS. Hashim, once lawmakers are taken away from party leaders, can no longer exercise bragging rights on Umno.

Lawmakers, public perceptions aside, have probably never been about the government and people. It’s only the government who can been about the people. In law, there’s no ethnicity, religion, and political parties in Parliament, but only lawmakers pledged on serving all including those who didn’t vote for them. Umno, unlike PAS and Bersatu, no longer harps on the 3Rs i.e. “race”, religion and royalty.

Umno can gather votes by working with coalition of willing parties for casting the net wider. Umno, in the past, put all the eggs in one basket. That saw drop in the number of seats. MIC won only one seat in GE15. MCA won two seats.

Absolute Power

No community will benefit if it lets one political party take all its votes. Only a handful of the party leaders benefit. The people, in the post-ISA era, will never leave absolute power with just one political party or coalition.

Umno’s strength comes from the BN (Barisan Nasional) concept, albeit if not observed in the breach in the decades before GE14 on 9 May 2018.

It’s true that the BN concept circumscribes the democratic process by endorsing elite power sharing and thereby circumventing the electoral process via seat-sharing. It denies the grassroots majority meaningful participation in elections. It was all about dishing out government positions under the politics of patronage and spoils of office.

There are plus points in the BN concept as decision-making was by consensus i.e. no voice against under the principle of collective responsibility. The Cabinet system was based on the same format until it degenerated under Mahathir. The Cabinet system became dictatorial between 1981 and 2003 and again from May 2018 to February 2020. Old habits die hard. The leopard, Mahathir, cannot change the spots.

Umno will be in better position in the unity government once Anwar has been freed from the clutches of other party leaders on both sides of the political divide.

Reforms Delayed

The Prime Minister can go ahead with long delayed and wide-rangi reforms.

The restoration of checks and balances in government hasn’t yet begun. There’s need for due diligence, forensic accounting on the money trail from the public treasury and civil action on money laundering assets. These assets and “secret profits” can be frozen, seized and forfeited as state revenue.

There’s no proof that the Cabinet System has been restored. The Cabinet System before 1981 and during the Najib Administration (2009 to 2018) was like the BN concept. It was based on the two great principles viz. decision making by consensus and collective responsibility.

The Johor Sultan, Agong in waiting, has given his thoughts on the way forward from January next year when he ascends the throne. It’s fair warning for Anwar.

Mahathir himself merits special attention under the new Agong for various sins of commission and ommision.

The Johor Sultan, in wide-ranging interview on 23 November with the media in Singapore, cautioned that he won’t be taking up residence at the Istana in Kuala Lumpur as “puppet”.

He will speak up and speak out on matters of public concern and public interest.

“There are 222 of you in Parliament. There are over 30 million outside. I am not with you, I am with them,” he was quoted as saying in the Singapore media. “When I hit in my speech, I hit. If not, the MPs behave like monkeys.”

Key Institutions

The Johor Sultan wants key institutions, including the judiciary, MACC and Petronas, reporting to him. In that case, controversial Chief Justice Tun Maimun Tuan Mat risks being sacked on TV.

Other Sultan are also speaking up as well.

The Johor Sultan wants the HSR (High Speed Rail) with Singapore and the virtually abandoned Forest City, both allegedly halted by Mahathir, revived.

The new Agong will also decide on who gets Awards.

Already, the traditional investiture planned for Federal Territories Day on 1 February, has been scrapped. The Johor Sultan becomes Agong on 31 January. — NMH

The post Umno Rock Solid Future With Pakatan Harapan And Allies first appeared on NMH.

Commentary And Analysis . . . The jury may no longer be out on whether the unity government, headed by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim since GE15 late last year, was the lesser of two evils.

There has been no report card on the Cabinet’s first year in office.

Malaysia needs way forward on government away from both sides of the political divide. The former British Borneo needs way forward, independence, away from Malaya.

Proxy government in Sabah and Sarawak, imposed by Putrajaya, must be ended for the Way Forward on both sides of the Southeast Asia Sea. Those who are part of the problem can’t be part of the solution. The Malaysia Parliament can take the cue from Singapore in 1965 and grant Independence for Sabah and Sarawak.

For another, the people of Sarawak have lost sovereignty. Small group, in cahoots with the Federal government, holds absolute power in the territory.

The government of Sarawak has not changed since 1966 when Chief Minister Stephen Kalong Ningkan was ousted by Emergency declared by the Tunku Abdul Rahman Regime.

It’s the duty of the international community, under international law, to restore sovereignty to a people who have lost it.

Anwar Ibrahim A Betrayer?

Anwar has been labelled betrayer. He stands villified for ignoring the mostly non-Malay and non-Muslim supporters. He has backtracked on promises made since 1998 on widespread reforms in government, politics, law, legitimacy, sovereignty and ending polarisation.

Democratic government was about checks and balances, openness, transparency, public accountability, due diligence, forensic accounting, power sharing, decision making by consensus and collective responsibility.

The Doctrine of Separation of Powers presides over the three arms of government viz. executive, legislative and judiciary.

The Press remains the 4th Estate.

New Government Based On Constitution

Professor Shad Saleem Faruqi, although flawed on Tanah Melayu, has given brilliant take in video on the Constitution. The unity government should take heed that Islam and syariah are not about the rule of law. The Quran isn’t the Constitution.

The Constitution isn’t the Holy Bible. It’s a living document, based on the rule of law, and arises from the ultimate political documents which set forth the governing institutions of state.

The Constitution follows an extraordinary event viz. Independence, secession, civil war, Revolution, war, Referendum etc.

No Constitution can go against itself.

Conventions, i.e. the working of the Constitution, are more important than the Constitution.

Convention isn’t law.

No court in the world will hear application on Convention.

The court of law was only about law. It can’t get into theology, for example, ethics, moral values, civilisational values like Malaysia Madani, sin, God, justice, righteousness, or truth.

If there has been inaction in law, it can’t be blamed on the Constitution.

Article 153, for example, has been rendered redundant by Article 8 which states that there can be no discrimination, save as provided by law. In the case of discrimination, i.e. provided by law, there must be sunset clause.

The 15 year sunset clause attached to Article 153 was removed after 1969. Article 153 can exist with sunset clause, and if so, there must be expiry date. There cannot be sunset clause after sunset clause.

Several other Articles have been rendered redundant in the wake of Article 153.

These include the definition of Malay as form of identity in Article 160(2) and Article 3, abberration in law, as standalone clause. Islam is the religion of the sultan. The Federation and Malaysia Equal Partnership are about secularism, freedom of conscience, human rights, and compliance with international law.

There’s lacuna (gap) in local law in Malaysia on Islam and syariah. There’s case law on Islam and syariah by the Supreme Court of India. It can be used as Advisory Opinion by the High Court in Malaya on declaring local case law on Islam and syariah.

Article 152 has been rendered redundant since the 20K word Bahasa Melayu no longer exists in habitual use, having been replaced by the 40K word Bahasa Malaysia. Bahasa Malaysia isn’t Bahasa Kebangsaan (national language) under Article 152 unless the Constitution can be amended. The 20K word Bahasa Melayu, the 40K word Bahasa Malaysia and the 127K word Bahasa Indonesia are not one and the same language.

Anwar Ibrahim Lives In The Past

There are other issues as well which the unity government should resolve or make way for new government.

There have been widespread allegations that Anwar lives in the past, i.e. still in 1998, when he was sacked from the Cabinet and Umno. The then Deputy Prime Minister harped daily on Islam, Islam, Islam, injection of Islamic values into the Administration, on mission schools, church bells chiming, temple bells pealing, and “Hindu shrines being seen under virtually every tree in the country”.

Now, Anwar has gone back, and added the Mantra on Malaysia Madani and empowering syariah as well. He harps daily on Islam, Islam, Islam.

https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2023/11/22/syariah-to-be-empowered

He has added Palestine, Palestine, Palestine and carries on as latter day wannabe Palestine President. He openly defies America’s three warnings by alleging that Israel was torturing and killing Palestinians and stealing their land. Anwar stays in glasshouse — read Borneo rights and illegal immigrants — and throws stones.

New Government Urgent

Betrayer Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, driven by fixations, pet theories and hangups, may be old record stuck in the groove. Malaysia needs new government away from Anwar Ibrahim the Betrayer.

Dictatorial Prime Minister Datuk Seri (now Tun) Mahathir Mohamad alleged, as the Asian currency crisis raged in 1997/1998, that Anwar was incompetent in finance and economics and may be misleading everyone on Islam. He mistakes speculative activities — forex and stock market — for the real economy i.e. the production of goods and services for GDP growth. The past has caught up with us in the present and haunts the future.

It’s true that Anwar has only pass degree in Malay Studies from Universiti Malaya. There have been claims in the media that he read English literature for Master’s degree at the same university. That might explaining Anwar quoting Shakespeare. No one has seen him touching on interest rates, the RM, FDI, job creation, poverty rates and technology which brings innovation.

Najib Plus Point For Anwar

Anwar, on plus point, emulates former Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak by injecting cash into the pockets of those living below the poverty line.

Sodomy 1, an afterthought, happened when Anwar cursed Mahathir and others before the international media. He swore that he would see Mahathir and Umno moneybag Daim Zainuddin (now Tun) in court for “deriving personal benefits” based on abuse of power.

He challenged the “spineless government” if they had anything on him. Anwar probably never expected that he would be slapped with Sodomy 1. Mahathir, in active retirement, manipulated the Najib Administration on Sodomy 2 as well. Anwar was granted Pardon by Agong about a week after GE14.

Patently, it was failure of leadership and strategic thinking, that saw Umno and BN (Barisan Nasional) collapse and implode. The party and coalition did not back caretaker Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak after GE14 on Wednesday 9 May 2018. Najib had the most number of seats in Parliament. Sabah and Sarawak would have backed him under their “siapa menang, kami sokong” — whoever wins, we support — Chant in Parliament. The rest remains even more history.

Najib The Best

In retrospect, Najib was not only the best economic manager the country ever had, but the best Finance Minister, Prime Minister and diplomat. Mahathir, in contrast, presided over the plundering of the public treasury under various guises. Najib told the media, after GE14, that “Mahathir was the Guru. We all learnt, i.e. on ‘political donation’, from him”.

Unlike Mahathir, he never publicly cursed any country or any people. Mahathir hurled insults at the Jewish diaspora, Australia, Singapore, India and the “stingy” Arab “who can hardly restrain themselves when they are in lift with our women”.

Najib had excellent track record, from age 23, in public service. It was marred by Trial by Media on the 1MDB phenomenon and the Altantuyaa Shaariibuugiin case linked with Razak Baginda, a one-time confidant. https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2023/11/25/siruls-statement-on-tv-unfounded-creates-speculation-says-igp/

Failed Government

There’s universal consensus, based on multiple sources, that Anwar heads failed government. Again, he has betrayed non-Malay and non-Muslim voters and Sabah and Sarawak in particular. In adding insult after injury, he woos Malay votes which would not shift in his favour.

Malay voters see Anwar as the “temporary Malay face Prime Minister” for the allegedly DAP dominated Federal government.

It’s open secret, no longer Hidden Agenda and no secret plan, that DAP wants Anwar replaced sooner rather than later. DAP has its own Prime Ministerial candidate from among the party’s growing number of Malay lawmakers.

GE15 late last year, where voters made the choice between the lesser of two evils, didn’t help Malaysia find the way forward for the 21st century. — NMH

The post Anwar Ibrahim New Government In Waiting For Malaysia first appeared on NMH.

Having spent so many years being incarcerated for reasons best known to Dr Mahathir Mohamad and the motley crew of his successors, Anwar Ibrahim finally became prime minister exactly a year ago, today – this, too, after a series of twists and only after our king stepped in.

Because of the inconclusive results of the last general election, and without a clear mandate, the prime minister had to reach out to his political rivals and do some horse-trading before he got appointed to the top job.

It was only after Umno (read: Ahmad Zahid Hamidi) finally backed him that the powerful East Malaysia bloc joined in and gave the prime minister the majority he needed to be appointed to the country’s top job.

From 1998 when he first got the boot as the deputy prime minister, to launching the “reformasi” movement, to forming his multiracial PKR party, and then being sent to prison on two occasions, our current prime minister stood head and shoulders above all the other Malaysian politicians for his reform agenda.

In opposition, he championed institutional reforms and was the flag-bearer for the anti-corruption brigade in the country. On the international stage, he positioned himself as a moderate Muslim leader with vision and poise. His combative oratory skills held him in good stead, and his penchant for being savvy and stylish continues even today.

I have been in the crowd when he gave his political speeches. He electrifies his audience with his communication skills, affable nature, and emotional narratives.

But 12 months ago, against the backdrop of the general election stalemate, the prime minister was required to make concessions. His government had to include those who were far from reform-minded, and composed of compromised people.

The political elites were back, and this in turn emboldened the all-powerful civil service in the country. The prime minister had to regularly reassure the country’s top civil servants that he appreciated them. In layperson’s terms, the prime minister just told the civil service to relax, and it would be business as usual.

His corruption crusade slowed down. Naturally, having a deputy with many allegations didn’t augur well for him. Even his coalition partners, who declared up to the eve of the last general election that they would not work with Umno, had to put their tails between their legs and toe the line.

The perceived fundamentalist Islamic threat that the opposition brings to the table has made the prime minister scramble to appease the Islamists in the country. More funds have been allocated to the religious department. And, to top that, this department has been given a wider scope to intervene with the new government’s policies.

Through all of this, the prime minister has had to shore up his own Islamic credentials. We can see this from his attire, to him presiding over conversions, and now being front and centre in championing the Palestinian cause.

Having chided previous administrations for offering plum GLC jobs to their supporters, our prime minister now has to do the same. Appointments to various cushy jobs that pay out huge sums are given not for the candidate’s track record or ability to navigate that government enterprise; instead, it is offered for continued political support.

For years in opposition, the prime minister asked for open government and demanded that the mainstream media be independent. Today, online news portals are being shut down and the same archaic argument is being used that the preservation of national stability requires censorship.

The compromised cabinet that the prime minister leads has not performed in the last year. Granted, there are ministers who get on with the job at hand. But there are just a handful who do this. The bulk of the appointments have made some staggeringly mind-boggling gaffes.

The first murmurs of a cabinet reshuffle emerged some months ago. But the prime minister has not, or perhaps cannot, pull the trigger and shuffle his cabinet because of the political reality of a compromised government.

At the recent Apec CEO summit in San Francisco, our prime minister quoted Winston Churchill who apparently said that a statesman plans for the next generation, but a politician only plans for the next election. When further pressed by the interviewer, the prime minister replied that if he only thinks of the next generation, he will lose the next election.

This is the quandary we have in Malaysia.

Successive bad decisions by previous administrations have led to clear socio-economic-cultural problems in our country. To clean up and put the country back on track for good governance, moderate religiosity, economic growth, cultural advancement, progressive education, and stable race relations, we need politicians who can think and plan for the next generation.

Plotting these long-term plans involves making tough decisions, a transparent government, and stepping away from a parochial mindset. But, as our prime minister said so eloquently, planning for the next generation might lose him the next election.

Anwar Ibrahim, being a consummate politician, is only planning for the next election. And, notwithstanding his nearly 25-year crusade for reforms, ultimately our prime minister is just a politician.

The political concessions he has made in the last year clearly demonstrate that the prime minister is still incarcerated. But this time around, he is not incarcerated in a physical prison – rather, it is in the shackles placed by his own “unity government” partners and his lack of gumption to see beyond the next election.

Shankar R. Santhiram
Shankar has 20 years experience training and coaching leading corporate executives and entrepreneurs.

This article was originally published in Free Malaysia Today

The post The Prime Minister is still incarcerated, isn’t he? first appeared on NMH.

The former Sarawak MP, Tan Sri Wan Junaidi Tuanku Jaafar, said that many Sarawakians still appreciate the former prime minister, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak and then Barisan Nasional (BN) chairman, who is serving a 12-year jail sentence for corruption linked to the 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal.

In a recent exclusive interview with Twentytwo13, Wan Junaidi said, “Until (Tan Sri) Abang Johari (Openg) became chief minister (now known as ‘Premier’), the state had been largely ignored. No one cared about Sarawak, until Najib became prime minister.

“Najib not only came with the money, but he also came personally. If I am not mistaken, (former prime minister Tun) Dr Mahathir (Mohamad) in his 22 years as PM, only visited Sarawak about five or six times. Najib, during his nine years (as prime minister), visited Sarawak 61 times.

“We know Najib had a soft spot for Sarawakians … whether it was genuine or political,” said the Dewan Negara president.

On Tuesday, Najib, 70, was sent to hospital from prison and subsequently tested positive for Covid-19.

BN’s downfall started at the 2008 general election. Following the coalition’s poor performance, Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi stepped down as prime minister, and Najib took over in 2009. Najib too, was forced to quit after BN were handed a humiliating defeat at the 2018 General Election. The coalition was booted out of the federal government for the first time after being in power for six decades.

Najib Came Personally

“Maybe Najib was motivated by the fact that Umno was losing support, so he needed our (Gabungan Parti Sarawak) support as we were solid in Sarawak. But that’s immaterial. He still came, not just with what Sarawakians call ‘air liur basi’ (mere words)… but he came with tangible improvements, for example, the UTCs (Urban Transformation Centres). Sarawakians are very happy with the UTC, till today.”

Urban Transformation Centres were Najib’s brainchild. The idea was to house different government agencies under one roof to ease the service delivery process and to cut red tape and bureaucracy. Strategically located nationwide, UTCs offer various services, such as the application of identification cards, passports, road tax, and licence renewals.

Najib had also set aside funds for the Pan Borneo Highway, and his efforts were acknowledged by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, Al-Sultan Abdullah Ri’ayatuddin Al-Mustafa Billah Shah, during his Kembara Kenali Borneo tour in September.

“Every trip that he (Najib) made to Sarawak, he gave (something) … even if it was a small thing. Sarawakians are very appreciative of Najib until today because he was real, as far as we are concerned. Not like Dr Mahathir (when he was prime minister), and even Ahmad Badawi, who, during his short term, only came for functions and didn’t offer anything solid.”

Wan Junaidi admitted that the lack of attention to the state since it became a part of Malaysia in 1963, had caused a little bit of resentment.

“Sarawakians felt they were being marginalised.

Najib Created MA’63 Committee

“But over the years, Sarawak became a bit more vocal. Najib also encouraged this as well, because he was the one who created the committee to look into MA’63 (Malaysia Agreement 1963) in 2016. It was co-chaired by (Datuk Seri) Nancy (Shukri) and (Datuk Seri) Anifah Aman. The committee was formed in 2016, but in 2018, when Pakatan Harapan (PH) came into power, (then) prime minister (Dr Mahathir) took over as chair. Later, (during Datuk Seri) Ismail Sabri’s (Yaakob) time, it was chaired by someone else,” he said.

Nancy was the minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, while Anifah was the foreign minister when they co-chaired the committee in 2016.

MA63 had set several terms under which Sabah, Sarawak, and Singapore would come together with Malaya to form the Federation of Malaysia. Singapore, however, left the federation in 1965. The autonomy granted to Sabah and Sarawak under MA63 has since been diluted, much to the displeasure of Sabahans and Sarawakians.

Wan Junaidi highlighted that Nancy and Anifah had solved several administrative issues, which Najib agreed with, in 2016 and 2017. He added that the abolition of the draconian Internal Security Act during Najib’s time in office had somehow contributed to Sarawakians being more ‘vocal’.

More Open

“Even the government became more open, and accepted people with different opinions, voices, and ideas. This made it (the discussions) more open to the public. But some in Peninsular Malaysia thought we (Sarawakians) were becoming more ‘demanding’. We were not. We were merely asking for our rights, accorded in MA63, to be honoured. MA63 was shrouded in ‘mystery’ for the longest time and the federal government made use of that mystery, the shadow, the silence, by not honouring it, and eroding what had already been agreed to.

“We have become more knowledgeable, and we know our rights. We cannot be blamed for talking about it today, asking for it (our rights) to be given to us. West Malaysians must also understand that it has been our right since 1963. We are only asking for our rights because the government has not voluntarily given them to us.”

PH’s reign following GE 2018 ended after 22 months. Political infighting saw several changes in leadership, culminating in the general election held on Nov 19 last year. Following a hung Parliament, PH joined forces with BN and several other political parties to form a so-called ‘unity government’. Datuk Seri Fadillah Yusof was made deputy prime minister –cementing his name in the history books as the first Sarawakian to hold the post.

When asked if he was happy with the progress in Sarawak today, Wan Junaidi replied: “Yes, I’m quite happy … since Najib’s time, I’ve been happy. I can’t blame Pakatan Harapan as they are all new.” – NMH

Editor’s Note: Article was first published by Twenty-Two 13 and reproduced here with slight amendments.

Also Read:-
Malaysia One Country, Three Immigration Systems, 60 Years Later

Three Attorney General In Malaysia Have ‘Equal Status’

M’sia Day ’22 No Mention Of Najib’s Compliance On MA’63

The post Wan Junaidi: No One Cared About Sarawak Until Najib Became PM first appeared on NMH.

Commentary and Analysis . . . It’s open secret, based on what Tunku Ismail Idris Abdul Majid Abu Bakar Iskandar ibni Sultan Ibrahim Ismail, Tengku Mahkota Johor, has been saying in the court of public opinion, that Johor Sultan Ibrahim Ismail isn’t happy at all as the plight of the RM tells all. There’s case for bringing back Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak as the next Prime Minister.

The Sultan, and son, see divisiveness driving the National Narrative monopolised by the unity government decreed by the Agong after GE15 last November.

If DAP seizes the reins of the Federal government in Putrajaya, there would be another May 13, far worse than that in 1969. More on this later.

Malaysia may see change of Prime Minister under the new Agong. There were three Prime Ministers after GE14 in 2018 viz. Tun Mahathir Mohamad, Tan Sri Muhyiddin — Mahiaddin in the birth certificate — Yassin, and Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri. Mahathir was sworn in by the Kelantan Sultan as Agong. The other two were sworn in by the Pahang Sultan as Agong. After GE15, Pahang also appointed Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim as the 10th Prime Minister. Therein the matter lies.

There’s no reason why former Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak, backed by ‘siapa menang, kami sokong’ (we support whoever wins) Sabah and Sarawak and PAS, cannot head list of candidates in Parliament for the 11th Prime Minister. The development can come as early as before Monday 30 January next year or after Tuesday 31 January. That’s the solution for myriad problems which Malaysia faces.

Prime Minister Najib returns

Proxy government virtually since 1963 facilitates Malaysia’s Occupation in the former British Borneo, non-compliance on the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA’63), brought in internal colonisation policies, and made the Federal government look the other way on the Southeast Asia Sea.

Colonialism, a form of criminal enterprise for accumulating capital, has been outlawed by international law.

In fairness, Najib embarked on devolution of greater administrative powers for Sabah and Sarawak and initiated the RM30b Pan Borneo Highway before GE14.

In novel development on the Prime Minister, the Speaker can exercise discretion on at least three candidates in the running including a woman and one nomination from the former British Borneo. If no candidate gets 51 per cent of the votes, out of the minimum 26 lawmakers present, there would be runoff between the top two candidates. There are no standing orders on these matters. The Speaker has discretion. He has casting vote in case of a tie.

In taking leaf from the Indian Parliament on constitutional amendments, at least half the lawmakers should be present if not voting as well, and at least two-thirds of those voting should pick the new Prime Minister-designate. The quorum in the Malaysia Parliament, based on standing orders, has 26 lawmakers out of 222 members.

The Johor Sultan, the 17th Agong from Tuesday 31 January next year, remains above the fray, albeit perhaps not without decree now and then. The curtain will come down on the reign of the 16th Agong, Al-Sultan Abdullah Ri’ayatuddin Al-Mustafa Billah Shah, on Monday 30 January next year.

Anwar Gets Blame

If the Johor Sultan changes the Prime Minister before GE16 in late 2027, or immediately after, the development can be blamed on Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim being gung ho on unbelievably rotten form of politics under the guise of humanitarian values ala post-1948 Palestinian and scant regard for justice elsewhere.

It’s all about Palestinian Palestinian Palestinian under the unity government and Islam Islam Islam but all for domestic politics in playing before the public gallery.

The post-1948 Palestinian must empower themselves at local government, town council and village levels for bottom up democracy and collection of taxes for development.

Territorial elections, being out of their hands, may never happen unless the UN comes in.

Malaysia may be out of depth here as local government elections remain suspended since 1965. Some villages in Sarawak, perhaps Sabah as well, elect elders every year or so.

Anwar’s internationalism, cast in the Islamic mould, has been increasingly uncomfortable with the Malay Malay Malay Mantra chanted by the parliamentary Opposition. There are two Orang Asal, from Sabah and Sarawak, in the Opposition in Parliament after GE15 and no other non-Malay.

TMJ has already implied but not in so many words that Anwar, in biting off more than he can chew, may be trying to please everyone. Anwar risks removal as his way isn’t possible.

Anwar has been belatedly trying but not pleasing Malay who will in fact never vote for him as they see him as “Malay face” puppet Prime Minister for DAP. At the same time, he’s alienating non-Malay who voted for him.

Anwar became lameduck in Malay politics after the Johor Sultan said that he doesn’t want Jakim and PAS in the sultanate. If Abdul Hadi Awang wags the tail, the Johor Sultan will want him locked up and the keys thrown away. In fact, all Sultan will turn against Jakim and PAS. Sabah and Sarawak will go along with Sultan on Jakim and PAS.

Najib Plight Resolved

Najib’s immediate plight in jail can be resolved sooner rather than later. No court in the world goes into conspiracy theories.

Circumstantial evidence cannot be used in criminal cases under the “beyond reasonable doubt” Test of the Burden of Proof.

Admissible hearsay must be supported by corroborative evidence under the Evidence Act 1950.

Inadmissible hearsay will be disregarded by the court.

It’s virtually impossible to convict anyone under the Evidence Act 1950.

It’s unconstitutional that Attorney General (AG) Tan Sri Tommy Thomas circumvented the Evidence Act 1950 by falling back on the MACC Act 2009, the CPC (Criminal Procedure Code) and the money laundering laws.

Najib’s case/s have become controversial. The controversies would not end until there’s closure. If there’s beginning, there must be end. In court, only finality in litigation can bring closure.

The family, as suggested by the suspended six months before retirement Judge Hamid Sultan Abu Backer, can file habeas corpus Application in the High Court. They can also file Petition, based on Federal Court Review Panel Head Judge Datuk Abdul Rahman Sebli ruling DNA (discharge and acquittal) for Najib on March 31 this year.

In the rule of law, the basis of the Constitution, the manner in which the accused was convicted comes first. Conviction can follow if it has been perfected in law for perfection in law.

Najib’s SRC conviction wasn’t perfected in law for perfection in law. There was non-compliance on procedures, procedural unfairness, no due process and non-compliance on the greater emphasis on the spirit of the law, in the rule of law — the basis of the Constitution — albeit read with the letter of the law.

The letter of the law, by itself, isn’t law at all. It’s all about acting with impunity and convicting by hook or by crook. This is the approach taken in China which believes that one bullet in the head can solve the problem. The family gets billed for the bullet.

Even before the SRC case began, there was Trial by Media against Najib in building up public perceptions. In adding insult after injury, the media routinely distorts court rulings on Najib cases. It was all about generating hits, by hook or by crook, with an eye on the bottom line including by sponsorship. The media, an unthinking animal, can be manipulated by those who know how in cahoots with those having deep pockets. The first casuality, in the fog of “war”, was truth.

Pardon for Najib may be rendered redundant and academic as the UN Review will come in before Christmas on December 25 this year. The UN Review, based purely on the rule of law — the basis of the Constitution — will find the RM42m SRC International case incomplete against Najib. There must be 2nd Review which may never happen since Umno has strong presence in the unity government.

Najib In Senior Role

Najib may even be offered senior Cabinet level role in the unity government, under Anwar Ibrahim, if the speculated major Cabinet reshuffle takes place, albeit after the former PM was released.

Umno wants Cabinet post for MIC, and deputy minister’s post. Likewise, it wants two Cabinet posts for MCA and two deputy minister posts.

Najib can be Special Advisor on Finance and Economics and/or Senior Minister Mentor based on special circumstances. It would be short hop, step and jump from this for the premiership.

DAP has been hysterically opposed, based on self-serving Hidden Agenda not so hidden and “secret plan”, against Pardon for Najib. The party fears that Barisan Nasional (BN), empowered by Najib’s return, will cause the collapse and implosion of the unity government.

BN has no choice but go solo, win or lose, after Najib’s return based on the war cry, “No Anwar, No DAP.”

DAP wants Umno as another Amanah sponsored by it so that it can seize the reins of the Federal government in Putrajaya under its own “Malay face” puppet Prime Minister.

Anwar remains temporary “Malay face” puppet Prime Minister for DAP. The party does not rule out PAS in the unity government. It wants to groom PAS as another Amanah sponsored by it. — NMH

The post Prime Minister Change Based On ‘No Anwar, No DAP’ Mantra first appeared on NMH.